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14 Devonshire Street, 

18 4 1. 












14 Devonshire Street, 

1841 . 


The expiration of another year of labor in the beneficent 
cause of emancipation makes it the constitutional duty of the 
Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society 
to present their Ninth Annual Report. In doing so, they would 
reverently acknowledge the superintending care of the Almighty 
over the interests of the enterprise which it is their privilege 
to espouse, and which they cannot doubt must eventually ob- 
tain a splendid triumph over all opposition. While they sin- 
cerely distrust their ability to discharge, iij the best possible 
manner, the weighty responsibilities which devolve upon them 
as the directors of the pioneer anti-slavery society in the U. 
States, they feel sustained by the consciousness that they have 
sincerely labored to promote the best interests of the Society, 
and, consequently, to hasten the day of jubilee when millions 
of our race, who are now pining in servitude, shall leap from 
their fetters, a redeemed and regenerated people. If, during 
the past year, the operations of the Society have in any mea- 
sure been more limited than the exigencies of our cause would 
seem to demand, it has not been owing to any lack of effort or 
abatement of zeal on the part of the Board, but to causes over 
which they have had no control. From the position which 
they occupy before the public, as a Board of Managers, they 
would gladly retire — not that they have grown weary in sus- 
taining the onerous burdens of that position, but to give place 
to others better qualified to fill it. From an earnest and hear- 
ty support of the enterprise itself, they know of no earthly ob- 
ject that could induce them to withdraw. Individually and 
collectively, they feel it to be among their religious obligations 
' to plead the cause of their enslaved countrymen, at whatever 
sacrifice of reputation, worldly prosperity, or personal advan- 

tage. As American citizens, deeply solicitous for the honor and 
welfare of their beloved country, they feel bound to be, and to 
avow themselves, uncompromising abolitionists. To be any 
thing else would, in their judgment, be to take the side of the 
oppressor against the oppressed, of cruelty against mercy, of 
iniquity against righteousness. 

Since the formation of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Soci- 
ety, every year has been one of trial, of suffering, of persecu- 
tion, of triumph, in its history. Composed of only twelve in- 
dividuals at first, its growth has been vigorous in proportion 
to the amount of opposition raised against it. As the fruitful 
mother of more than two thousand kindred societies, it has pe- 
culiar claims to the respect and admiration of abolitionists unir 
versally. In consequence of having been foremost in the an- 
ti-slavery conflict, and at all times conspicuous for its fearless 
and uncompromising character, it has been assailed with more 
frequency and bitterness, by the enemies of the colored race, 
than any other association in the land. It has had to contend 
with foes within, as well as foes without: hostility to it has as- 
sumed almost every conceivable guise, from the most violent 
to the most insidious : but in no one year has such systematic 
efforts been made for its annihilation as during the last — made, . 
too, by some who were formerly zealous in its behalf, and un- 
der the pretence of forwarding the anti-slavery enterprise. 
The most absurd, the most false and flagrant charges have been 
circulated against it in various part of the country, by profess- 
ed abolitionists ; and it would seem as if, in their estim.ation, 
slavery itself is a trifling evil in comparison with the existence 
of a society, which, by the blessing of God, has been so signally > 
instrumental in rousing this whole nation from its moral stupor 
on the subject of slavery, and bringing so many of the inhabi- 
tants to repentance. This unnatural and criminal opposition 
has arisen from the spirit of sectarianism — that giant foe of 
God and man. The facts in the case are well known to all those 
who are conversant with the rise and progress of the unhappy 
divisions which have taken place in the anti-slavery ranks. It 
is not deemed necessary, therefore, to go into any minute de-' 
tails on this subject. 

In the last Report of the Board, it was stated that a seces- 
sion had been made from this Society, and that the seceders 
had organized themselves into an association, called the " Mas- 
sachusetts Abolition Society." The position assume;! by 
that Society is one of unmitigated hostility to ours. By its 
MANAGERS, its OFFICIAL ORGAN and AGENTS, it has left untricd 
no device to prejudice the public mind, and especially the re- 
ligious portion of the community, against the State Anti-Slavery 
Society, and ourselves as its official representatives. All this 
has been done with such a wanton disregard of truth, such a wide 
departure from the ground of anti-slavery union and fellowship, 
such palpable intent to gratify personal and sectarian feelings, 
that it is in the highest degree painful to coAtemplate such a 
developement of moral character. 

In an address of the Executive Committee of the Massachu- 
setts Abolition Society to the people of Massachusetts, they use 
the following language : 

"We have witnessed, with grief unspeakable, the perversion, in 
this State, of our associations to purposes and objects not contem- 
plated in our bond of union, foreign to our original objects, not ne- 
cessary to their attainment, and, in the view of the reflecting, /a^aZ 
to our prospects of ultimate success.''' '^ ^ ^ " As abolitionists, we 
care not for it, [the equal rank of all persons, without distinction of 
sex, on the anti-slavery platform,] except as, by connecting it with our 
cause, it becomes a mill-stone, to sink to the depths of a bottomless ocean 
the hopes of enslaved millio72s." * =* =^ " The State [Anti-Slavery] 
Society is now fully identified with the sectarian ( ! ) views of a few 
of its individual members. /Phat the aboHtionists of the Common- 
wealth generally sanction these proceedings, we have never believ- 
ed. Nor do we question that they will come forward promptly to 
co-operate with us, in an association where the cause of the slave 
shall not only be paramount to every thing else, but the only object 
of its associated action. " * * * " Is, then, the old pioneer society 
fallen? Fallen it is indeed, but we would hope it may rise again, 
and be clothed with strength, to plead for justice and judgement in 
behalf of the bondman. At present, it has thrown aioay its prmci- 
pies, and with them, the staff of its poiver. " 

The following are some of the charges brought against the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society by the " Abolitionist," 
the official organ of the new society : 

" The theories of Mr. Garrison about religion and government 
only become matters of concern, because they seem to take out of 

his hands, and out of the hands of the society, [meaning the Mass. 
A. S. Society,] which has virtually given them its sanction, the staff 
of accomplishment." ** * " Tiie ?zo-^o2;er?i7?2e«^ party, [referring 
to the Mass. A. S. Society] would not grant us even the modified 
loop-hole resolution of Mr. St. Clair. '^ * * * " The Massachu- 
setts A. S. Society had decidedly refused to assert the duty of po- 
litical action against slavery, even on the part of such as could con- 
scientiously exercise the elective franchise ; and it had as decidedly 
and practically encouraged the views of those who aim to change 
the customs of society, with regard to the sphere and duties of the 
female sex." ^ * =^ "Had the Massachusetts A. S. Society un- 
dertaken directly to deny its foundation, and abandon its former 
course, it could not have done it more palpably than it has. 
Its forvier position is now occupied by the new ■Society.'''' * *" * 
" The old Society, out of deference to the opinions of its no-hxtman 
government members, declines to speak out what it thinks, stands 
GAGGED and MUTE on the subject, and lets the staff of efficiency pass 
from its hands.'''' =^ * * " When we assumed the guiding quill of 
this sheet, we wrote that the Mass. A. S. Society, in suppressing 
its convictions in regard to the duty of political action, and thereby 
giving up its destinies to be moulded at will by a little minority of 
non-resistants, had suffered the stafi'of accomplishment to pass from 
its hands. The charge is still true, and none the less so, though it 
should prove to have come from imbecility itself." * * * " Shun 
those shoals and quicksands, which, but for the timely interference 
of the Mass. Abolition Society, had well nigb wrecked the old abo- 
lition ship, and drowned all the crew." * * * " Others may paint, 
and rig, and spread the sails of our good ship as she rides the bil- 
lows ; but there are planks started in her bottom, and it is all zve can 
do to stop the leak. " * * * " The Mass. A. S. Society must not 
express its conviction of duty, lest it should condemn the great pio- 
neer of the enterprise." * ^ * " What will a voter care for being 
branded by a Society, [meaning the Mass. A. S. Society,] ivhicJi 
admits that men have a right to throw off their allegiance to all 
earthly government, and go without it?" * * * "The difference 
between the old and the new anti-slavery organizations is this : — 
The new organization proposes to overthrow slavery Zi^/ ^Ae use of 
means — the old, by simple truth. The new is like a doctor, who 
prescribed for a certain cutaneous disease, /azY/i and bri?nsfone : the 
old thinks it best to say nothing about the brimstone, because some 
people do not like the smell of it." * * * " The reason alleged by 
the founders of the Abolition Society for this movement is, \hnithe 
old Society has departed from the principles on which it was origin- 
ally constituted.^' " We have no sort of predilection for old organ- 
ization. Let us put our shoulders together, who mean really 
to lift the wheel, and be about it." * * * " Remember that, on the 
success of the Mass. Abolition Society depends, under God. the suc- 
cess or failure of the anti-slavery enterprise in this State.'" * * * \ 
" If the old Society wishes to war upon \\^, let it. It is, and will be, 

its ruin ; but, as we do not think its jnolonged existence essential to 
the cause of human liberty, we have few tears to shed on the occa- 
sion." * * * " We did not set out to boast of the doing of the new 
Societ\% but to show that the old stands in a position fatal to ac- 
compUshvient. The new Society may die to-morrow, and yet the_ 
efficiency of the old be not increased. The element of non-resistance 
that governs it, is like the nitx-vomica of the doctors — it operates an 
entire prostration of strength''' * * * "Without a third party, we 
have no doubt the new organization would continue to live as the 
old one does, passing resolutions, but making no converts, and act- 
ing with no ejiciencij on politics; but that is precisely what we 
call a gone case.'' 

To these charges of the officers and official organ of the 
Massachusetts Abolition Society, may be added the follow- 
ing from the lips of its agents and leading advocates, against 
our association. Says the Rev. Orange Scott: — 

" Who, that is acquainted with the history of Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 
can doubt, that he has idterior ends in vieiv ? Wliat has he and the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society done for the last two years, but to 
press his notions of perfectionism, his opposition to all human govern- 
ments and institutions, his determination to crowd forward the women 
into all public stations and duties, and also to make a constant war 
upon all those who oppose these inconsistent and ridiculous notions ?" * 

" The reasons which have led to this new organization, are summa- 
rily these. The ' Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society' had become so 
identified with foreign and sectarian matters, that many conscientious 
abolitionists could not give it their support. The no-human govern- 
ment theory, as it is called, had received, and was receiving, such indi- 
rect sanction, to say the least, from, that society, both at its annual and 
quarterly meetings, that many of us felt compelled, as we valued law 
and order, to say nothing of religion, to abandon it." * * * "I re- 
joice at the formation of the Massachusetts Abolition Society. There 
were thousands in Massachusetts who had determined to go no farther 
with the old society. That society is not what it ivas when we joined it, 
and we had no disposition to reform, in the way that society has been 
reforming for some time past. If 'women's rights' and 'the no-humau 
government theory' can free the slaves, others shall have the honor of 
making the experiment. We sail not under these colors, nor with 
men who make such matters leading considerations in their anti-slavery 
warfare." * * * 

" I rejoice in the fonnation of a new society in Essex county. Let 
this plan be carried out in every part of the Commonwealth, where a 
majority in the old societies have departed from original abolitionism." 
* * " I have no confidence in the present anti-slavery movements and 
measures of Wm. Lloyd Garrison and his particular party, [meaning 
the friends of the Mass. A. S. Society,] as a remedy for slavery; for he 
destroys wnth one hand what he builds up with the other. I shall go 
no further either with him or the old society. I did not become a dis- 
organizer in becoming an abolitionist. Our principles and measures 
are the same now as when we joined the society — we have not left our 
brethren ; they have left us.'' * * * " I exceedingly regret that even 


five members of the M. E. Church can be found in the whole of New 
England, disposed to sustain that rotten-hearted no-human government, 
women's rights institution, called the 'Massachusetts Anti-Slavery So- 

In, a letter to the Board, resigning his seat as a naember ofit, 

the Rev. Amos A. Phelps says — 

"The society is no longer an Anti- Slavery Society, simply, but in its 
principles and modes of action has become a ivomanh rights, non-govern- 
ment Anti-Slavery Society. While it remains such, I cannot consist- 
ently co-operate with or sustain it. When it shall have returned to its 
original character and principles, I shall rejoice to do so." 

The Rev. Daniel Wise, in giving an account for the press 
of the formation of the Massachusetts AboHtion Society, says — 

'' At the neAvs of this week, the poor stricken slave will rejoice. His 
cause in the old Bay State has been redeemed from the burden of many 
loads, placed upon it for some time past by those who were once its 
warmest friends. Pare, unmixed, genuine Christian abolition has now 
a medium through which it can stand forth unembarrassed before the 
piercing gaze of an inquiring community ; in a word, my brother, a 
new State Anti- Slavery Society, based on the principles of original abo- 
litionism, has been formed. 

That the time for this organization had fully come, there can be no 
doubt. The previously existing society, by a base subserviency to the 
will of a few sectarians of recent date, had utterly shorn itself of its 
pristine strength." * * * 

" This is the case with the old society- in this State. It has brought 
in the measures of 'woman's rights men,' and of no-governmentism, 
and attempted to modify the action of its members, by the dictates of 
these follies. To these things there was known to be a deep, moral, 
and widely spread opposition. Still they Avere urged and jammed in, 
from the garrison of the society to the very tabernacles of abolitionists. 
The natural and only consequences to be expected, ensued — union was 
destroyed. Efficiency is of course gone to the winds of heaven, torn to 
a thousand rags. 

Impressed with these facts, and unwilling to permit the abolitionism 
of the State to merge into the fog and error of non-resistance, and its 
destructive and unchristian consequences, the friends of the slave, of 
many sects and parties, have rallied anew under the old standard of 

Let us weep over the fall of the old society." 

The same individual, in giving an account of the quarterly 

meeting of the Middlesex County A. S. Society, at Acton, 

says — 

" A motion was made, inviting such gentlemen as were favorable to 
immediate emancipation to take seats as members, &c. This was re- 
sisted by the non-resistants, [meaning all those who Avished to have no 
reference made to sex in the invitation.] The advocates of the tenets 
of Mary Wolstoncraft found themselves in a minority, and exceedingly 
chagrined, although two or three Amazons united to swell the numbers 
on their side. * # * With the afternoon session, commenced a 

most disgusting movement, [i. e. a motion was made, and carried, thai 
all prrsous friendly to immediate emancipation be invited to take seats, 
&c.] Despising such disorderly movements, those friends of the slave, 
who love his cause better than they love the violation of the laws of na- 
ture, of God, and of civil society, forthwith left the meeting, leaving a 
lean minority, of both males and females, to drink their fill at the pu- 
trid streams of no-government waters." 

Giving an account of his labors as the agent of the Aboli- 
tion Society, he says — 

" One year's faithful labor, and Massachusetts is ours. The sons of 
the pilgrims will never lose their zeal for the slave in a quixotic cru- 
.sade against governments." 

The Rev. Alanson St. Clair, another agent of the Aboli- 
tion Society, and once zealous for the equal a(^tion of all per- 
sons, irrespective of sex, in anti-slavery meetings, speaks of 
the friends of old organization, as follows : — 

"Our women's rights, no-government, anti-slavery opponents." 
The Rev. Charles T. Torrey, also an agent of the same So- 
ciety, says — 

" The heart of the commonwealth is sound to the core ; but its 
soundness will not appear in giving its support to the follies into -which 
the old society has been led." * * * " We have toiled with them 
in this cause as long as honor or conscience would permit us to keep 
company with them, and have now separated, that we might continue 
to assert all our original principles, and urge all our original measures, 
with new'zeal and greater energy." 

In a communication to the Editor of ihe Abolitionist, refer- 
ring to the President of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Socie- 
ty and the Editor of the Liberator, he says — 

" Peace to their memories ! or, rather, to the memory of their former 
fidelity to the slave, when as yet party objects had not led them astray 
from the plain path of honor and duty " ! ! 

The Rev. Hiram Cummings, another agent of the same So- 
ciety, writes to the editor of the Abolitionist — 

" Tlie tide of public feeling and sentiment is strongly flowing in fa- 
vor of the new organization ; the people generally, who are acquainted 
with all die circumstances, believe that such a society was necessary to 
save the ' noble ship Abolition' in this State from 'going down,' she 
being so heavily laden with a foreign, extraneous cargo, as to render 
her condition perilous, and to jeopardize all who have embarked in her 
noble enterprize." 

Another agent of the Abolition Society, writing from Barn- 
stable County, says — 

" The County Society is noiv auxiliary to the American Anti-Slavery 
Society. The Non-Resistunl agents of the old Non-Resistance Mass. 


Anti-Slavery Society wish to change its auxiliaryship from the Ameri- 
can to their State Society, for two purposes ; first, to deprive the Ameri- 
can Society, Avhich the old State Society has been opposing for a year 
past, of its support from this county ; and second, to gel this County So- 
ciety to support their old sinking State Society, which is fast 'going 
down,' being so heavily freighted with no-human-governmentism, that 
her condition is perilous; and, consequently, the true abolition crew 
have been obliged to escape and embark in the true Abolition ship ; 
which is freighted with nothing but Aboliiionism and her noble crew^ 
gallantly outriding the tempest and storms of pro-slavery and non-re- 
sistance (!) fury — which have threatened her destruction — and bound di- 
rectly for the port of emancipation. * * I am fully persuaded that the 
sensible part of the citizens of this county are not prepared to 'drink 
in, imperceptibly, tlie no-human-government doctrines ; ' or to support 
a society, by being auxiliary to it and contributing to its funds, ivhich is 
the great medium through ichich non-resistance isjlowing.^' 

In the formation of societies auxiliary to the Abolition So- 
ciety, special pains have been taken to destroy, by libellons in- 
nuendoes, the character of the old Society. The follouing 
resolution was adopted by the Middlesex County Abolition 
Society : 

" Resolved, That the cause of the slave, both from its nature and im- 
portance, should be one by itself, and every attempt to introduce foreign 
subjects, in connexion with it, is not only inconsistent with the unity of 
abolitionism, but extremely hazardous to the momentous interests of 
the slave." 

At the organization of the State Abolition Society, the fol- 
lowing resolution was adopted : 

" Resolved, That we deem it necessary to present our cause before 
the community on its merits, unconnected, either in form or fact, with 
those sectarian and local or personal objects, which liave lieen recently, 
to so great an extent, in this State, identified with it." 

At the formation of the Groton Abolition Society, ihc follow- 
ing resolutions were adopted : 

" Resolved, That the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, in having 
refused to affirm this doctrine, [respecting the use of the elective fran- 
chise,] when thus called upon to act, and when it was opposed by its 
no-human-goverument members, has let the staff' of accoraplisluncnt 
fall from its hands, and virtually identified itself with the no-human- 
government sect. 

Resolved, That we have not organized a ncAV society in this place out 
of hostility to the old one, but because we believe that that society has 
done all that it ever can in this toAATi towards abolitionizing its inhab- 
itants; because that society has connected with its olhcial action several 
extraneous, sectarian opinions, to which we are conscientiously oppos- 
ed, in consequence of wliich we cannot act with it ; and because we 
feel bound to devote our inflence and means to the overthrow of sla- 
very." * 

* To show how well the practice of that society accords with its pro- 
fessions of zeal for the overthrow of i=>laverv, it is only necessary to state, 



The following resolution was adopted by an Abolition So- 
ciety in Ashby : 

" Resolved, That we heartily approve of the formation of the Massa- 
chusetts Abolitioa Society; and believing its existence essential to the 
deliverance of the cause of the slave from the grasp of sectarianism, (!) 
and to the well-being of the slave, do hereby solemnly pledge ourselves 
to lend it the aid of our prayers, our influence, and our means, so long 
f s it continues true to the principles set forth in its constitution." 

In an address to the public of the Executive Committee of 
the Norfolk County Abolition Society, they say — 

" If we suffer our efficiency to be destroyed, by identifying our cause, 
either in form or in fact, with the visionary efforts of a few to overthrow 
the foundations of social order, and tear up the frame-work of all hu- 
man governments, and scatter their fragments to the winds, we not 
only render our cause contemptible in the eyes of men of sense and dis- 
•cernment, but we place the day of freedom to the slave at a hopeless 
distance, and suffer the staff of accomplishment to pass out of our 

At the formation of the Worcester North Division Aboli- 
tion Society, the following resolution was adopted : 

"Resolved, That we deem it important to the prosperity of pure, 
original, constitutional abolitionism, that we organize a new society in 
Worcester North Division, auxiliary to the Massachusetts Abolition So- 

The following was adopted in Worcester South Division: 

" Resolved, That in the formation of the County Abolition Society, 
and in our co-operation with the State Abolition Society, our object is 
to present the abolition cause to the community, separate from all extra- 
neous topics, and therefore in such a form and spirit, that christian (!) 
and humane men can consistently give it their hearty confidence and 

At a meeting of the New England Wesleyan Anti-Slavery 
Society, the following preamble and resolution were adopted, 
the Board understand without any discussion or consideration, 
gnd mainly through the influence of Rev. Orange Scott : 

" Whereas, the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society has, by its re- 
cent action, become identified with questions of a sectarian character, and 
therein departed from its original policy ; and whereas, many true friends 
of the slave have conscientious scruples about giving it their co-opera- 
fion, in its present state; therefore 

Resolved, That abolition societies, designed to embody all the aboh- 
tion influence within a given territory, should be kept entirely distinct 

that, although eighteen nioiitlid liave transpired since its t'uiinatioUj it has 
never held one meeting since that time, but has remained perfectly torpitf 
•uj3 to the present iiour ! 


from sectarian- theories and party politics; and, therefore, we rejoice to 
learn, that a Massachusetts Abolition Society of this character has re- 
cently been formed." 

In the Emancipator of March 12, 1040, the following accu- 
sations are made by the Editor — at that time the official mouth- 
piece of the American Anti-Slavery Society: 

"It is plain, that the leading managers of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society, in and around Boston, regard the non-resistance socie- 
ty as embracing the true anti-slavery principles, and the anti-slavery 
society as being a convenient resting place for those who have not vet 
attained their clearness of vision and perfection of liberty; and it fol- 
lows, of course, that they will endeavor so to control the lower power 
as not to impede the progress of the higher." 

These are specimens of the manner in which the Massachu- 


setts Anti-Slavery Society has been assailed, and of the char- 
ges which have been brought against it, by persons who have 
been somewhat conspicuous in our enterprise, and by journals 
and societies which claim to be wholly consecrated to tiie cause 
of bleeding humanity. It will be seen that these charges are 
of a grave and vital character. If they are true, then it is un- 
deniable that the Society has been guilty of widely departing 
from its appropriate sphere of action. If they are true, then it 
is certain that the moral honesty both of the Board and the So- 
ciety stands justly impeached before the public. But they 
ARE ALL FALSE, and rcst upon nothing but gross misrepresen- 
tation. In various addresses which they have issued, the Board 
have in the most explicit manner denied each and all of them, 
in behalf of the Society and themselves. The question, then, 
is one of veracity between the accused and the accuser. One 
party or the otheris guilty of uttering falsehood. When a con- 
troversy is narrowed down to such an alternative, it becomes a 
very serious matter. But the truth must be told, justice award- 
ed, and innocence vindicated, at whatever expense to individ- 
ual or associate reputation. In an address of the Board to 
the abolitionists of the United States, issued in April last, they 
meet the " non-resistance " accusation as follows : 

" The charge against the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, that it 
has become subservient to the principles of non-resistance, is utterly 
false. Whether those principles are right or wrong, it lies not in the 
province of the Society to determine. It has never, in any manner, di- 
rectly or indirectly, given them its sanction. A very large majority of 
its members do not embrace them. Its resolutions on the subject of 
political action have ever been of the most uncompromising character. 


Its addresses to the anti-slavery electors of the commonwealth, through 
its Board, have also been equally strong and emphatic. In short, it oc- 
cupies precisely the same ground, on this subject, as other kindred as- 
sociations. Its abolitionism, both morally and politically, is and ever 
has been of the purest and best quality, and marked by a vigor and an 
efficiency unsurpassed, if equalled, in any other State. We do not 
speak boastingly in its behalf; but when the worst calumnies are circu- 
lated against it, and it is falsely represented by some who wear an abo- 
lition garb to have fallen to the earth, we may be pardoned for asking, 
with some degree of complacency — What State is so well abolitionized 
as Massachusetts ? AVhat society contributes so much money to sus- 
tain the anti-slavery movement ? Where has political abolitionism 
achieved such victories as in this State ? What other legislature, be- 
sides that of Massachusetts, has demanded the immediate abolition of 
slavery in the District of Columbia? Upon what State has the parent 
society hitherto relied so confidently for aid as Massachusetts? The an- 
swers to these questions furnish the best refutations of the cruel asper- 
sions which have been so profusely cast upon the society." 

- They define "the basis of anti-slavery fellowship" to be — 

" Perfect agreement in opinion, that all men have an inalienable 
right to liberty ; that to enslave a human being, or to retain him in sla- 
very, under any circumstances, is an impious and cruel act ; that it is 
the duty of the slaveholder immediately to relinquish his claim of pro- 
perty in man, and to liberate all whom he holds in bondage ; that to 
colonize or proscribe any portion of the American population, on ac- 
count of their complexion, is to insult Him who has made of one blood 
all nations of men, to violate the spirit and precepts of our holy religion, 
and to make war upon our common humanity." 

And they add, — 

" In the foregoing sentiments, persons of every sect and party can 
unite for the overthrow of slavery, in an associated capacity, and join 
hand in hand, and stand shoulder to shoulder upon common ground, 
without compromising any of their distinctive peculiarities, or having 
their liberty of conscience or of speech tramelled on any subject." 

They represent the grand object of the anti-slavery organ- 
ization to bo — 

" The abolition of i5lavery, and the improvement and elevation of our 
colored population. By what instrumentality ? By the promulgation 
of the doctrine of immediate emancipation, and the application of truth 
to the consciences and hearts of a pro-slavery people. Not by exacting 
a conformity of views among the friends of emancipation, with regard 
lo any theological or political dogma; not by arraigning any man for 
lielieving, or refusing to believe, in the divinity of the church or state; 
not by assum-ing that any existing civil or ecclesiastical government is 
either good or evil in itself; not by making it obligatory upon any abo- 
litionist to be a voter at the polls, or a member of any religious denomi- 
nation ; not by refusing to give the right hand of fellowship to any man 
or body of men, on account of conscientious scruples entertained re- 
specting subjects foreign to the anti-slavery enterprise. For, if any 
such test were required, it is certain that there could be no such tiling as 
a union of all sects and parties for the overthrow of slavery ; and it 
v.-ould be perfectly absurd to talk of a common platform of humanity. 
While, however, no member of our organization may attempt to con- 


vert it either to his peculiar religious or political views, nor denounce 
those who do not embrace those views as abolitionists, he does not, 
nevertheless, by consenting to become a member of our organization, 
mrrcnder his right to proselytize to the extent of his ability, apart from 
abolitionism, as a man or a Christian — either as a member of any sect or 
•party, or as one who stands aloof from all sects or parties; provided, of 
course, he never makes the cause of bleeding humanity subordinate to 
any political or sectarian considerations, but bears a faithful and con- 
sistent testimony against the sin of slavery. A Methodist clergyman, 
for example, in joining an anti-slavery society, has no right to obtrude 
his views of Methodism upon it, with a design to give them currency ; 
but, when not acting in the society, he has an indisputable right to 
make as many converts to his religious faith as possible ; and no abo- 
litionist may justly complain of his conduct." 

They admit that moral and pohtical action must be used for 
the overthrow of slavery, and illustrate this point as follows : 

" Slavery pollutes the Church, and corrupts the State. In order, 
therefore, to efiiect its abolition, both Church and State need to be puri- 
fied. It is the avowed object of the Anti-Slavery Society to enlist on 
the side of emancipation, ' moral and political action.' As the Ameri- 
can people are upholding slavery by their religious and political power, 
it assumes that they are under the strongest obligations to use such 
power for the overthrow of that hideous system ; i. e. it speaks in popu- 
lar language, without meaning to concede, or deny, the inherent right- 
fulness of human governments or church establishments, because it is 
not necessary for the Society to make any such concession or denial. It 
predicates the duty of ecclesiastical or political action, not upon the in- 
herent excellence of ecclesiastical or civil organizations, but upon the 
fact of their existence as props of the slave system, and upon the views 
and professions of those who are allied to them by choice. 

Now, if the State cannot be purged from the stain of slavery, unless 
abolitionists go to the polls ; neither can the Church, unless they con- 
nect themselves with it. But what would be the consequence, if it 
should be made an abolition test, that ci'cry member of the Anti- Slavery 
Society is in duty hound to connect himself loith the church, on the ground 
that siich a connection is essential to its anti-slavery purification, and 
that abolitionists have pledged themselves to do all that is lawfully in 
their power for the abolition of slavery ? Discord and division throughout 
our extended ranks ! The same disastrous effect, to a considerable ex- 
tent, has already been produced by the attempt to introduce a political 
test of membership into the society. 

In one thing abolitionists are all perfectly agreed, namely, that duty 
to God and Immanity reiiuircs of them fidelity to their anti-slavery 
principles and professions, in whatever sphere they may be called to act — 
in the church or out of it — at the ballot box, or away from it — in all 
places, under all circumstances, and at all limes. No other agreement is 
practicable, among those whose religious and political sentiments so 
widely differ — none other is necessary to insure the onward progress of our 
sacred cause. Why, then, should there be any collision in our ranks, in 
reference to any extraneous question ? " 

In an address of tlie Board to the agents of the Society, they 


" It should be stated, as an unquestionable fact, that the Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery Society has never departed from the original plat- 


form on AVhich the association was formed. Among its members, as in 
other anti-slavery societies, are a very few, Avho have conscientious 
scruples about actively sustaining any existing form of human govern- 
ment, though they think-it a duty to submit to such government. With 
this opinion, the society has nothing to do. They have no more right 
to decide upon it, than they have upon one brother's opinion on bap- 
tism, or another's faith in universal salvation. If the present majority 
of the society may vote that the non-resistant members are bound in 
duty to go to the polls, — which is equivalent to saying that they are false 
to duty, if they decline going, — the non-resistants, "if they should be- 
come a majority, may, with the same propriety, brand every voter as 
recreant to duty. No one questions the right of the majority of the so- 
ciety to see that such doctrines are announced, and such measures ta- 
ken, as seem to them right, and calculated to promote our cause, let 
who will feel ofiended • but, they may not, under color of attacking sla- 
very, pass an intended censure upon brethren, who are as sound as 
themselves upon the doctrine of immediate emancipation, and who are 
working for the slave, zealously and consistently, in every sphere of ac- 
tion in Avhich they can conscientiously work at all. The moment Ave 
assume the principle of censuring a member, whose conscience forbids 
hiiB to unite in any particular measure that the majority may happen 
to approve, we arrogate a power Avhich Avas never conceded to us ; Ave 
do our best to verify the charge brought against associations, — that their 
tendency is to tyrannize over individual conscience, and crush intellec- 
tual freedom. An eflbrt is now making to compel every member of the 
anti-slavery societies, under the ban of the majority, to take part in cer- 
tain specified modes of political action. This effort, like CA'ery other 
that encroaches on liberty of conscience, Avill not be submitted to, and 
can end only in division. It matters not that the penalty of disobedi- 
ence to the edict of the majority is not physical, or that Ave do not for- 
mally expel the contumacious member from our meetings. We Avrong 
him as cruelly as if we did. Every man of honor and sensibility feels 
a stain as a wound; and an unauthorized, intended censure from one's 
cherished associates is worse than a bloAv. The original principle of 
the anti-slaA'ery association forbids them to take cognizance, in their as- 
sociated capacity, of any individual member's opinions, except on the 
subject of immediate emancipation. This is the only point, on Avhich 
Ave have pledged ourselves to uniformity of faith." 

" Non luzc in fadcra veni. An anli-siavery association is not like a 
Christian church, Avhose province is the Avhole field of human duty. It 
is equally absolute Avithin its sphere, but its sphere is prescribed by 
agreed limits ; and an association like ours starts from its sphere, the 
moment it undertakes, on any pretence, to settle for individual con- 
science such questions as the duty of supporting civil government. Let 
those AA^ho doubt this, think Avhat would be their indignant emotions, if 
a Quaker majority in an anti-slavery society should undertake to force 
through a vote, declaring it the solemn duty of every abolitionist to dis- 
band the church organization to Avhich he belongs, and to testify against 
a paid ministry." 

In meeting tlic charge that the Society has undertaken to 

settle the rights of woman, the Board say — 

" We have been equally careful to avoid, as a society, all interference 
loith the disputed qiiestio)i of wuma'iis sphere and capacity. Our members 
have a perfect right to differ in opinion on this question ; and Avith their 
opinions v-e have nothing to do. There is, in fact, a great variety of 


sentiments held among ourselves, on the general question of woman's 
rights ; but, without deciding among them, or even taking cognizance of 
them, this society has attempted, and we think successfully, to deal with 
the question of the rights of our female memb^s, in a practical, inoffen- 
sive, and common sense way. Those members appeared at our meetings, 
and claimed the right to vote and speak. Their right was questioned by 
some of the brethren who have seceded from us. It thus became necessary 
to settle it. We did not seek the question ; it forced itself upon ?«, and 
we must decide one way or the other. We turned to the constitution 
of our society. We there found that all persons, who were members of 
the society, had equal rights in its meetings. Unless, therefore, we 
were prepared to vote that women are not persons, Ave could not deny 
them the common privileges of membership. Sparingly as our sisters 
in the cause have exercised their right to speak, our acknowledgement 
that the right existed is put prominently forward as good cause for 
breaking up the anti-slavery organization in this State ! And yet, 
strange to tell, the seceders from our ranks, (who declare that con- 
science will not permit them to act with us, while we allow women to 
take part in our meetings,) instead of retiring from the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, at its last annual meeting, when that society recog- 
nized, with at least equal fulness, the rights of its female members, sat- 
isfied their consciences Avith a simple protest, and have now so far got 
over their scruples, as actually to become its auxiliary, while that very 
sin lies unrepented upon its soul ! 

We forbear comment upon the inconsistency of this course, and the 
insincerity it seems to betray ; for we are anxious to establish princi- 
ples, not to war against men. 

If one brother feels his conscience disturbed by a woman's speaking, 
another may plead that he is equally oflended by her being silenced. 
In all such cases, when some decision must necessarily be made, the 
society should look first to its constitution ; Avhen that is silent, and 
only then, it may resort to its general views of right. If any brother is 
dissatisfied Avith the result, he may attempt to amend the constitution 
according to his own A'iews, or he may protest against the action of the 
majority. If he insists on leaving the society on such ground, Ave can 
only say that he is acting on a narrow principle, that ivould make all or- 
ganized effort impossible, or very short-lived ; since there can never be, in 
any cause, a perfect consent on all subordinate topics and modes of ac- 
tion. We are astonished to hear it pretended, that if a woman speaks 
in an anti-slavery meeting, the responsibility is not her own, but rests 
upon CA^ery man in the assembly ; — a guilt from Avhich he cannot ab- 
solve himself by protesting against it, but only by breaking up the 
AA-hole anti-slavery organization ! 

The original ground of this society, the first in the United States, 
was, that oA'ery person should be left free to advance the cause of the 
slave, in such manner as should be approved by his OAVn conscience. 
We simply decline changing this platform. People of all sects, all col- 
ors, and both sexes, are free to Avork for the slave, as seems to them 
best. The only question this association asks, or according to its oAvn 
principles has a right to ask, is, AA'hether its members believe immediate, 
unconditional emancipation to be a duty, and are willing to labor for its 

Appealing to the good sense and candor of those wlio h'dve 

seceded from the State Society, the Board ask — 

" Why should they treat as unpardonable iu one society what they 


wink at in another ? Why make war upon an auxiliary society for do- 
ing that which is sanctioned by the parent society ? Why single out 
the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society as worthy to suffer death, while 
other societies, equally guilty, (!) are not even arraigned for their con- 
duct ? If there be nothing personal, nothing sectarian, nothing ulterior, 
on the part of the seceders, why this strange inconsistency of conduct ? 
In the Eastern (Penn.) Society, women have been enrolled as mem- 
bers, acted on committees, &c. But who has heard of any outbreak, in 
consequence, among the abolitionists of that State ? Is there no ' con- 
science' on this subject in that quarter? If not, ivhy not? In the same 
manner, women have actively participated in the proceedings of the 
Rhode Island Society ; and they have also been received as delegates in 
the Connecticut Society. The Massachusetts A. S. Society stands pre- 
cisely in the same attitude as the American Society, the New England 
Convention, the Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania and Ohio So- 
cieties ; and, therefore, if it ought not any longer to be upheld by aboli- 
tionists, all the rest deserve to be treated in the same manner. 

The Executive Committee of the Abolition Society ask in their Ad- 
dress — 'What has this question to do with the deliverance of the bond- 
slaves of our country — whether, as a matter of right, females should ex- 
ercise all the social, political and rehgious rights, discharge all the cor- 
responding duties, and be subject to all the connected liabilities attached 
to them, equally with the other sex ? ' No anti-slavery society has at- 
tempted to settle this question. What rights women ought to enjoy in 
the church or in social Life, or whether they ought to be allowed to use 
the elective franchise or be eligible to political office, are questions which 
abolitionists have never attempted even to discuss ; they are foreign to the 
object they have in view, namely, the utter extinction of slavery. 

The anti-slavery society is a voluntary association, of temporary du- 
ration, amenable to no ecclesiastical tribunal or political body. In de- 
ciding for itself the conditions of membership, it takes no cognizance of 
what is either allowed or prohibited by any other association. In al- 
lowing all persons who are hostile to slavery to enrol their names as 
members, and to open their mouths in the cause of the suffering and the 
dumb, it confines itself to 'its appropriate sphere,' and is doing its legiti- 
mate work. It does not necessarily endorse what is advanced by any 
speaker, and it throws the whole responsibility upon every person who 
takes any part in its proceedings. 

It should be remembered, that the language of the resolutions which 
have been adopted by the Massachusetts Society, inviting individuals to 
participate in its proceedings, has been in exact conformity with the terms 
of its constitution — including all ^persons'' in favor of immediate emanci- 
pation, &;c. The only offence, therefore, of which the society is guilty, 
is that of refusing to declare that women, Avho have complied with all 
the requirements of the constitution, are not 'persons' within the mean- 
ing of that instrument ! In other words, it will not exclude from a free 
participation in its proceedings, on account of their sex, 'persons' who 
agree with it in principle, and cheerfully contribute to its funds ! It 
will not say to its own annual and life-m.embers, when they present 
themselves at its meetings, ' Stand aside — your sex renders it improper 
that you should act with us in our efforts to redeem the slave from his 
bondage!' In principle, therefore, the Society stands just Avhere it has 
stood from the beginning — on the firm basis of its constitution." 

It is for j)ursuing this catholic, magnanimous, constitutional 
couise, " without partiality and without hypocrisy, " in the 


spirit of honesty and uprightness, — and for refusing to allow 
Itself to be moulded by the spirit of personal rivalry and secta- 
rian animosity, — that the Massachusetts Anti- Slavery Society 
has been assailed with such extraordinary virulence, and sub- 
jected to such a torrent of defamation. " The head and front 
of its offending hath this extent — no more." The Society 
claims to stand or fall upon its official acts and publications, 
and cannot be justly held responsible for the opinions of any of 
its members. It is accused of being a non-resistant or non- 
government society, simply because some of its members are 
religiously opposed to taking any active participation in the 
affairs of government. As reasonably might it be called a Bap- 
tist, Methodist, Presbyterian, Whig or Democratic Society, 
because persons connected with each of these sects and parties 
are also among its members. Not a sentence in favor of the 
peculiar doctrines of non-resistance can be found in any of its 
publications ; nor has any resolution respecting that subject ever 
been discussed in any of its meetings. Our non-resistance 
brethren are as much opposed to its introduction on the anti- . 
slavery platform as those who have seceded from our ranks ; 
and in no instance, to our knowledge or belief, have they ever 
attempted to obtain the sanction either of this or any other 
anti-felavery society to non-resistance principles or measures. 
On the contrary, while they are giving their zealous and 
efficient support to our enterprise, they have marked out their 
own distinct course as non-resistants. They have formed them- 
selves into a separate association by the title of the "New 
England Non-Resistance Society " — established an official ' 
organ of their own, called " The Non-Resistant " — and sent 
forth their agents to propagate their sentiments, in the same ' 
manner as temperance and anti-slavery societies have done. 
This Society can no more be responsible for their operations, 
than for the proceedings of any other foreign association. They 
constitute but a very small portion of its members — though it 
is simply an act of justice to say, they are among the most 
zealous and faithful members. 

The Board have not been able to suppress the feelings of 
surprise with which they have listened to theclamor which 


has been raised against the free discussion of certain unopop- 

ular theories, lest it should prove detrimental to the cause of 

.human liberty! In one of their official documents, therefore, 

they felt constrained to utter the following language both by 

way of rebuke and encouragement : 

" We believe that the anti-slavery cause is founded upon a rock, — 
THE ETERNAL EocK, — and Cannot be overthrown. We blush at the want 
of faith in its divine organ and holy invincibleness exhibited by those 
professed abolitionists, who cry out against the free discussion, by indi- 
viduals, of any question, — whether it relate to peace or war, a human or 
divine government, religion or politics, Church or State, — as endangering 
the life of our enterprise! Abolition thrives in exact proportion to the 
growth of free discussion on all moral and political subjects. The ex- 
amination and discussion of no other question can possibly injure it. Its 
single object is to extirpate slavery from the American soil, and whatever 
is not oppressive in spirit has nothing to apprehend from its progress. It 
must and will prevail." 

The Society is charged by its rival as standing "mute and 
gagged " on the subject of political action, or in relation to the 
use of the elective franchise for the abolition of slavery ! So 
far from this being true, it has been vigilant, active, uncompro- 
mising on this subject. In no other State in the Union, it is 
believed, is our cause so far advanced, either religiously or 
politically as in Massachusetts. What language can be more 
emphatic, or more admonitory, or more in accordance with the 
genius of the anti-slavery movenment, than is contained in the 
following resolution, adopted by the Society in 1839, and for 
the adoption of which, (ridiculous as it may seem,) it was branded 
as a " non-government" society by he schismatics who were 
determined to rule or ruin it ? 

" Resolved, That those abolitionists, who feel themselves called upon, 
by a sense of duty, to go to the polls, and yet purposely absent them- 
selves from the polls whenever an opportunity is presented to vote for a 
friend of the slave — or who, when there, follow their party predilections 
to the abandonment of their abolition principles — are recreant to their 
high professions, and unworthy of the name they assume." 

On the old anti-slavery platform, as maintained by the State 
Society, all human beings are allovt^ed to meet on equal terms 
for the overthrow of slavery. They are required to agree in 
nothing but the inherent sinfulness of slaveholding, and in the 
duty of immediately letting the oppressed go free. On the 
new platform, as laid down by the Massachusetts Abolition So- 


ciety, a theological creed is imposed, to the exclusion of one 
half of the human family, on account oftheirsex,— and a polit- 
ical creed is enforced, to the banishment of thousands of de- 
voted aboUtionists, on account of their religious scruples against 
participating in the politics of the country. In the face of 
this undeniable fact, the Executive Committee of the Aboli- 
tion Society, in their address to the public, have the extraordi- 
nary folly and eftrontery to accuse the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society of being actuated by a sectarian spirit ! They 

" The charge of sectarianism has not been made without reflection. 
Let the case be put very simply. Two men desire to unite in the pro- 
motion of a given object. They agree in reference to the principles 
and measures involved in it. They disagree on other topics. If either 
party insist upon introducing, or asking sanction for his views on the 
topics of difference, he is a sectarian. This our brethren have done, in 
regard to the 'woman's rights' and 'no-government' views. We agreed 
on anti-slavery. We did not agree on the other topics. We united to 
promote anti-slavery, and nothing else. They insisted upon a sanction 
of their views on women's rights, and then on the subject of political 
action. They obtained their wishes, in spite of our private and public 
remonstrances and exertions. Thcij hare made their association a secta- 
rian thing, and because we were not sectarian, (! !) we withdrew from it.*^* 

A more severe condemnation of the schismatical course 
adopted by this Committee and their associates, could not 
easily be written, than is contained in the above exposition of 
the anti-slavery platform ; nor could a better panegyric be 
passed upon the conduct of the State A. S. Society. "We 
agreed on anti-slavery," say the Committee. True — and the 
agreement was perfect : how inexcusable, then, is their new 
organization ! " We united to promote anti-slavery, and noth- 
ing else." True — and if to allow all persons to use their influ- 
ence for the overthrow of the iniquitous slave systcm,rn accor- 
dance with law, humanity and religion, without stopping to 
ask their sex or examine their complexion, be not " to pro- 
mote anti-slavery, and nothing else," then we know not how 
it can be done. " We did not agree on other topics." True — 
and this we all knew before we associated ourselves together 
as an abolition band. Our ranks were filled up with persons 
perfectly agreed " in reference to the principles and measures 
involved " in the one object to be accomplished, and widely 
discordant in their views " on other topics." Those principles, 


in the language of the National Anti-Slavery Declaration, 
" forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to 
reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all 
carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage — relying solely 
upon those which are spiritual, and mighty through God to the 
pulling down of strong holds." Those measures are " such only 
as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruption, the de- 
struction of error by the potency of truth, the overthrow of 
prejudice by the power of love, and the abolition of slavery by 
the spirit of repentance." In the advocacy of such principles, 
and the use of such measures, every person heartily opposed 
to the enslavement of any portion of the human race could 
unite. But "they [the Massachusetts A. S. Society] insisted 
upon a sanction of their views on women's rights, and then on 
the subject of political action." The reverse of this statement 
is true ! It is the Abolition Society that has undertaken to settle 
"extraneous topics," about which abolitionists do not and prob- 
ably never can entirely agree; and hence it is, in the bad sense 
of that term, a " sectarian" movement. The State A. S. Soci- 
ety has never attempted to determine "the rights of women," 
nor allowed the question to be entertained in its meetings or 
discussed in its publications. It strictly adheres to its one 
grand design — " the promotion of anti-slavery, and nothing 
else.'''' It simply defines what qualifications are necessary to 
membership, and makes those qualifications so simple that all 
human beings may possess and exercise them, without travel- 
ling out of their " appropriate sphere," or interfering with their 
religious or political opinions; — and there it leaves the matter. 
On the subject of "political action," it constantly inculcates 
the doctrine, that anti-slavery should be made the paramount 
question at the polls, to the sacrifice of all mere party consid- 
erations, by all those who wield the elective franchise, — and 
that it is highly inconsistent for abolitionists to vote for slave- 
holders or pro-slavery candidates ; but it does not make it a 
part of the anti-slavery creed to believe in the duty of every 
man to mingle or not to mingle in the political conflicts of the 
country — for thai is an " extraneous topic." Tiie Society 
could occupy no other ground v/ithout being " sectarian," and 
ing its own platform. 


It is an undeniable fact, that the neiv organization is guilty 
of every act that it falsely charges upon the old. A secession 
took place in New Hampshire, in June last, from the Slate 
Anti-Slavery Society, and an abolition society was formed to 
supplant it, on the ground of its meddling with " extraneous" 
matters. The constitution of the society is unlike any thing 
known in the progress of our enterprise until the recent schism. 
It establishes a religious test respecting church organizations, a 
political test respecting human government, and a sectarian 
test respecting the inferiority of woman ! ! ! The following 
comments upon this anomalous document are from the pen of 
the clear-sighted and faithful editor of the Herald of Freedom, 
Nathaniel P. Rogers : 

" We give all in the constitution bearing on these questions ; and 
now what is their abolitionism ? Is it merely that slaveholding is a 
sin against God and a crime against man, and ought to be immediately 
done away — as they have pretended ? Or have they incorporated into 
it, with this, all their sectarian and party dogmas and opinions on other 
and extraneous and foreign and heterogeneous topics, wliich, if intro- 
duced, necessarily blows up the old anti-slavery platform ? 

They 'drag' in here the following extraneous opinions : 

1st. That human government rightfully exists, by divine authority 
and approval. Not republican government merely, but all sorts. Not 
New Hampshire government only, or United States government — but 
all forms of domination of man over man, from the Csesars down to 
President Van Buren and Gov. Page. This every Merrimac county 
abolitionist must hold to, or he cannot be admitted to the society. And 
if this must be held to, it must be advocated in the meetings, and by 
the press, and the lecturer in the meeting-house, (which is readily 
opened for this purpose.) 

2d. That human government is bound to protect the weak, viz: eve- 
ry body not strong enough to protect himself— not the weak slave only, 
but all sorts of 'feeble folk,' and not against the slave-master only, but 
against all strong people against whom weak ones need protection — 
that all Aveakness should be protected against all hurtful strength — the 
world over. 

3d. That human government is bound to restrain the oppressive and 
lawless, of every sort, and by all necessary means — by imprisonment, 
fine, corporal and capital infliction, for every kind of oppression, and all 
sorts of omission to keep all sorts of laws — to restrain so far as to pre- 
vent the oppression and the lawlessness of the lawless. A pretty 
broad abolition doctrine — all right enough in a General Court or Court 
House, or gaol, it may be — but rather extraneous to anti-slavery, ac- 
cording to our old organized notions. 

4th. That the church organizations of the day are God's ordained 
means of overthrowing sin. 

5th. That such organizations are bound to exert themselves for the 
spread of truth in respect to all human sins. This last is rather indi- 
rectly asserted, but still it is asserted, and in a deliberately adopted ar- 
ticle of a professed anti-slavery constitution. 

^ 23 

6th. They indirectly at least assert the inferiority and incapacity of 
woman, by curtailing her sphere of action, and denying her the compe- 
tency of any active or honorable participation in the business of an anti- 
slavery meeting. This is their anti-slavery. These are their anti- 
slavery objects and purposes. Their platform is thronged with the 
opinions and dogmas of their sects and parties ; and every one not sub- 
scribing to them is excluded. This is what we have charged them with. 
They have denied it, and strangely charged it upon us, when they 
knew the charge was groundless. Here is their ground of seceding. 
Now it is not pertinent or material whether they hold rightly on these 
questions, or wrongly. The pertinent fact is, that they incorporate their 
opinions upon them into abolitionism. As abolitionists, we of the old 
society deny that anti-slavery settles or agitates any of them. As abo- 
litionists, we agitate (or rather settle) the 'woman question' so far only 
as this — we do not question woman's right to equal action with man m 
the anti-slavery movement. She acts in our movment as she sees fit — 
and we hold her constitutionally competent to do so, equally with men. 
Further than this we say nothing — and we say this only by our consti- 
tution, which, like part of new organization's, admits all persons alike, 
and by our action under that constitution. That we have the right 
constitution in that, (as in other particulars,) 'we hold to be self-evi- 
dent.' We seek the abolition of a capricious human domination over 
humanity. We seek it in a way agreeable to our object. We do not 
seek it in a domineering way or spirit, which those betray who tyran- 
nize over women in this movement. But our object here is to con- 
found new organization out of its own mouth and mouth-piece, against 
ever again charging us with dragging in extraneous topics, and to fix 
upon its brazen front the charge of making anti-slavery the handmaid 
of sect." 

In this unhappy controversy, it should never be forgotten 
that the very individuals who are now so boisterous in their 
opposition to the equal position of women on the anti-slavery 
platform, (including all, or nearly all the members of the late 
Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society,) 
were the loudest in their approval of the public labors of An- 
gelina E. and Sarah M. Grimke ! These devoted women 
constantly lectured to promiscuous assemblies, in public halls 
and meeting-houses, and even in the State House before a large 
proportion of the Senators and Representatives of the Com- 
monwealth ; but who among genuine abolitionists, at that time, 
thought of denouncing their course, or seceding from the anti- 
slavery organization on that account ? Were not the grateful 
benedictions of die friends of the down-trodden slaves showered 
upen their heads? Were not their labors owned and blessed 
of Heaven beyond those of any other lectures, however gifted 
or eloquent ? Did they not call down upon themselves the 
scorn and anothemas of all that was pro-slavery in the land, 


for thus presuming to act out of their " appropriate sphere ?" 
And are not the language and spirit of our seceding opponents 
in relation to the free action of woman in our cause precisely 
the some as were then exhibited by the unrelenting enemies of 
God and his suffering poor ? Is not their present position the 
one occupied by pro-slavery in 1836 — 7, and does it not prove 
that they have become thoroughly transformed in the temper 
of their minds, for the wose, and not for the better ? " For 
what concord hath Christ with Belial," or genuine abolitionists 
with pro-slavery scorners ? 

To show who they are t!iat have departed from the Anti- 
Slavery platform, as originally constituted, the Board would 
present the following editorial article on the subject of women 
speaking in promiscuous assemblies, which appeared in the 
Emancipator of April 10th, 1S37, the official organ of the A- 
merican Ami-Slavery Society : 

The Misses Grimke. 

We understand that these ladies addressed an audience a few even- 
ings since, at Lowell, of 1500 persons, a large proportion, but by no 
means all, of whom were females. They were heard, as they have been 
elsewhere, with the greatest attention and manifest efiect. 

Yet in spite of this success, there are not wanting those, even among 
abolitionists, who doubt the propriety of their addressing promiscuous 
assemblies. These ladies do not go out as agents of the American A. 
S. Society, nor in any way connected with it; yet, for ourselves, loe 
could fully justify the Society in sending them to do just what they arc do- 
ino-. It must be remembered that the American A. S. Society is not a 
sectarian institution, but is made up of all sects, and appeals to all to 
plead the cause of the slave, each in its own Avay. In employing fe- 
males of the Society of Friends to lecture, it would be guilty of no innova- 
tion. We do not see hoio members of other sects could object to it, any 
more justly, than to admitting Friends as members. 

We are aware that the Massachusetts General Association of Con- 
o-reo-ational Ministers has taken ground against the mistaken conduct of 
those who encourage females to bear an obtrusive and ostentatious part 
in measures of reform, and countenance any of that sex who so far 
forget themselves as to itinerate in the character of public lecturers and 

We suppose the General Association can reconcile this with the fol- 
lowing resolution, which they passed at the same meeting : 
. "Resolved, That we approve of free and candid discussion on the 
"subject of slavery, and also of all other proper methods of diffusing light 
and promoting correct moral sentiment, which may have an influence to 

do away the evil." ^ . -. 

The Association would certainly do the world a favor by mformmg it 
what are '^'■propcr methods." Is it proper for the Miss Grimkes to speak 
to "-entlemen in a private parlor, ivith their own permission ? Is it in 
thelitage coach and steamboat ? in a hired hall ? in a district school- 
room, S" they must be forced out from the sacredness of the pulpit cush- 



ions ? May they use the pen, if denied the tongue ? Those who have 
made themselves the special guardians of female manners should an- 
swer many such questions. 

It ought to be observed, also, that the Miss Grimkes have not only 
the sanction of the religious body to which they belong, but they have 
actually been obliged, by the importunity of the men of Massachusetts, 
to admit them to their lectures, which they designed to confine to their 
own sex. Who ivill lay a straw in the way of their able and effective advo- 
cacy of the rights of the poor victims of our own christian oppression ? 

It is needless to make any other comment upon the above, 
than that the author of it is behaved to have been Elizur 
Wright, Jr., until recently the editor of the " Massachusetts 
Abolitionist," and one of tiie most prominent seceders from the 
old organization ! 

Still further to show the duplicity of the " Abolition Society," 
in charging upon the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, and 
its Board of Managers, an approval of the non-resistance doc- 
trines, because they refuse to denounce those abolitionists who 
embrace those doctrines, we give below an official Address to 
the Public, issued in 1S37 by the Executive Committee of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, with express reference to the 

• diversity of sentiments existing among abolitionists on the sub- 
ject of non-resistance. It explains in a brief, but clear and 

. very admirable manner, the exact position which is now occu- 
pied by the State A. S. Society — the nature and scope of the 
anti-slavery organization — the freedom of thought, speech and 
action, on every conceivable subject, that belongs to abolition- 
ists as moral and accountable beings — and the responsibilities 
which justly attach to the National Society and its auxiliaries: 

To THE Public. 

The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society have 
heretofore candidly and explicitly stated the doctrines maintained by 
that association, and they are now induced to caution their fellow-citi- 
zens not to confound their doctrines with such as individual members 
may occasionally advance. 

The constitution, after setting forth the principles of the Society, de- 
clares, that whoever consents to these principles, not being a slave- 
holder, may, on making a pecuniary contribution, become a member. 
Hence, good faith obviously requires, not only that those who enter the 
Society should sincerely embrace its avowed principles, but also that 
BY ITS MEMBERS.,y^ Of course, no member is required by his con- 
nection with the Society, to refrain from expressing {on his own responsi- 
bility) his individual opinions on any subject whatsoever. We believe there 
is among the abolitionists, a most cordial and unanimous assent to 



many other and important topics, they maintain veiy opposite and irrecon- 
cileahle sentiments. 

Some of these sentiments being promulgated in anti-slavery papers, and 
advocated by one or more abolitionists, have been used to prejudice the anti- 
JUDGMENT :.-Q] but, tvhether true or false, they receive no sanction from 
the Society, and every member is at liberty to assail or defend them. 

While the committee assume no control over the private opinions of 
their agents, and much less over the course which independent friends 
of the cause think fit to pursue, they cheerfully acknowledge their obli- 
gation not to permit the funds of the Society to be used for the promo- 
tion of any principles or objects whatever, except those specified in the; 
constitution ; and it will ever be, as it ever has been, their determina- 
tion, both in regard to the agents they employ, and the publications, 
they issue, to avoid any just censure in this respect. 

The great diversity of sentiment entertained by abolitionists, on political 
and religious subjects, instead of being, as our enemies vainly imagine, an 
indication of our tceakness, is a demonstration of our strength, and an omen 
of our ultimate triumph. That cause cannot belong to a sect or a party ^ 
which is espoused by men of all sects and of all parties. The rights for 
which we are contending, are the rights of our common nature, and 
their advocacy cannot safely be committed to any sect or party, nor- 
can any sect or party be exempted from rebuke, which takes the alti- 
tude of hostility to these rights. 

In behalf of the Executive Committee, 

E. Wright, Jr. Cor. Sec'y. 

Thus fell to the ground all the slanderous charges that have beert 
brought against this Society as a " woman's rights, non-government 
rotten-hearted institution!" Thus is it triumphantly shown that 
all the blame for the divisions that exist in our ranks must rest 
upon those who have gone out from us because they are no longer 
of us, and who have lost the power of abolitionism, though they 
still retain its form. 

In thus exhibiting the " new organization"^ in its true character ;. ■ 
and exposing the duplicity of its managers, official organ, and 
AGENTS, the Board by no means intend to be understood as im- 
peaching the motives or condemning the spirit of all who are con- 
nected with that hostile movement. As among the supporters of 
the American Colonization Society, there were many who were ig- 
norant of its principles and designs, and really supposed it was a 
most benevolent institution, though its officers and leading advo- 
cates were without excuse ; so, doubtless, there are some who have 
been deceived by the calumnies so extensively circulated against 
the Massachusetts A. S. Society, and who honestly believe that the- - 
Abolition Society is actuated by a sincere desire to promote the- 
best interests of the cause of emancipation. And as the Coloniza- 


■tion Society was abandoned by its disinterested friends, as soon as 
its moral deformities were revealed to their vision ; so will this 
^' new organization" be repudiated by all its well-meaning support- 
ers, on their discovering the deception which has been imposed up- 
on their credulity. They only are deserving of condemnation, who 
know whereof they affirm, who cannot plead puriiy of intention 
through ignorance of the facts in the case, and who are the prime 
movers in the unholy work of division. 

The seceders from the old platform plead in justification of their 
course, that they conscientiously believe that women ought to be 
silent in anti-slavery meetings, and not be allowed to participate in 
the managment of our enterprize ; hence, they have chosen to pros- 
ecute their labors for the extinction of slavery in a separate society. 
In answer to this plea, the Board would remark — 

1. They were not required to change their belief, or violate their 
consciences, on this point, by acting in the old organization. If 
they were unwilling to allow unrestrained freedom of speech to 
every member, they had a right to enter their protest against it ; 
and having thus exonerated themselves from all responsibility in the 
matter, no one could justly accuse them of sanctioning the practice. 
The fact that they found themselves uniformly in the minority did 
not justify their secession; for the decision did not relate to the 
fundamental principles and measures of the Anti-Slavery Society, 
<in which the whole body of members were professedly agreed) but 
simply to the constitutional right of those who belonged to the So- 
ciety, without distinction of sex, to advocate those principles and 
measures in its regular meetings. In an organization like ours, 
composed of persons belonging to almost every religious sect and 
political parly in the land, nothing can be more plain than the ob- 
ligation that rests upon them, as a united body, to waive their dis- 
tinctive peculiarities or differences of opinions on other subjects, 
and to be at least tolerant toward each other, if they cannot hearti- 
ly approve of every transaction. If it be a good reason why those 
who are opposed to the free action of woman should secede from 
the Anti-Slavery Society, because their wishes in this particular 
cannot be gratified ; then a secession on the part of such of our 
members as belong to the Society of Friends might be justified, 
because anti-slavey meetings are generally opened with formal 
prayer. A new organization can be vindicated, if the old has 
■ changed the fundamental principles of its constitution, so that it oa 


longer maintains the inherent sinfulness of slavery, and the dnty of 
immediate emancipation; or if the seceders avow that they have 
changed their principles, and are no longer immediatists, but grad- 
ualists; — and on no other grounds. But it is not pretended by 
those who have left us, either that any such alteration has been 
made in the constitution of our Society, or that they are no longer 
the friends of immediate emancipation. 

2. If they have felt it to be their duty to act in a separate capaci-* 
ty, in obedience to the dictates of their consciences, they ought to 
remember that the majority whom they have left also profess to be 
equally conscientious. If, then, they are the sincere and disinter- 
ested friends of our great enterprize, and desire to hail its speedy 
accomplishment, — if they have no selfish, personal or sectarian- 
feelings to gratify, — why are they not as willing to allow us to pur- 
sue the even tenor of our way, in accordance with our convictions 
of duty, as they are ready to claim the right to do so for them* 
selves ? But, 

3. What has been their spirit ? what their procedure ? what their 
policy ? Having withdrawn themselves from our ranks, and form- 
ed a distinct association, have they consecrated their time, talents 
and means to the cause of emancipation, and permitted us to do all 
the good in our power? Or have they been unwearied in their 
efforts to cripple the operations of our Society, to blacken its char- 
acter, to render it hideous in the eyes of community, to alienate its 
friends, to asperse the motives and misrepresent the purposes of its 
board of managers, and to estrange and cut ofT its auxiliary socie- 
ties ? Let the overwhelming amount of evidence that has been ad- 
duced from their official acts and documents answer ! And if they 
did these things in the green tree, what have they not done in the 
dry? If, in the most formal and public manner, they have not 
scrupled officially to bring the most flagrant and scandalous accu- 
sations against the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, what have 
they not been disposed to say and do in secret, in order to efiect 
their base purposes ? They have, in very many instances, — as a 
multitude of witnesses stand ready to testify, — endeavored to blast 
the private and religious character of prominent members of the So-- 
ciety, alleging that some are infidels, others opposed to all govern- 
ment others in favor of the annihilation of the sacred institution- 
of marriage, others dishonest men ! They have also endeavored' 
to stir up sectarian animosity against thp Board, by representing it 


as almost exclusively Unitarian ! As if this last charge, were it 
true, (which it is not, nor are any of the others,) furnished any 
ground for secession from an anti-slavery body, a very large ma- 
jority of the members of which are known to be what is technically 
called " orthodox" in their religious opinions ! In short, their 
grand object has been not to abolish slavery, but that society which 
is more hated and feared by southern slaveholders than any other 
local association in the republic. It would be a miracle indeed, if, 
after expending so much labor, and using such unholy instruments 
and resorting to such malignant devices, they had not effected their 
purpose, to a considerable extent. But success, obtained in this 
manner is sure to be of temporary duration. In due time, all things 
shall be made manifest in the light, and whatever is opposed to 
truth shall perish. 

" Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again ; 

The eternal years of God are hers : 
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, 

And dies among his worshippers." 

It has been artfully attempted, by its enemies, to make the Mas- 
sachusetts Anti-Slavery Society responsible for the peculiar religious 
and political views of Mr. Garrison, and for all the sentiments that 
are advanced in the Liberator on other subjects besides slavery. 
This charge is equally absurd and groundless. The Society is no 
more responsible for those views and sentiments, than it is for the 
rolling of the spheres, or for any other event over which it has no 
control. It is due to Mr. Garrison to say, that no one has labored 
more assiduously than himself to keep the anti-slavery enterprise 
distinct from every other, and to avoid the introduction of " extrane- 
ous " matters. Whatever maybe his religious opinions, or his 
notions of the existing governments of the world, the Society has 
never been called upon to give them its approval. He alone is 
responsible for their promulgation ; and he has, undeniably, the 
same right to endeavor to convert others to his way of thinking, as 
is claimed and exercised by those who would put a gag into his 
mouth. The Liberator has never been the official organ of this or 
of any other society. It is an independent paper, under the exclu- 
sive control of its editor, and for the management of which he 
claims to be wholly answerable. It is still, as it has been from its 
commencement, almost entirely devoted to the subject of slavery. 
In the department which is appropriated to the discussion of Peace, 
in its columns, any person can be freely heard on the subject, pro 

30 > 

or con. In opening that department, Mr. Garrison, after making 
an exposition of his sentiments to the public, explicitly remarked — 

" These are among the views we shall offer in connection with the 
heaven-originated cause of Peace, — views which any person is at liber- 
ty to controvert in our columns, and for which, no man or body of men is 
responsible hit ourselves. If any man shall afiirm that the anti-slavery 
cause, as such, or any anti-slavery society, is answerable for our senti- 
ments on this subject, to him may be justly applied the apostolic decla- 

In dismissing this subject, the Board would again quote the lan- 
guage of an eminent advocate of emancipation,* who, in a very brief 
compass, exposes the folly and injustice of those who charge upon 
the anti-slavery movement the peculiarities of the Liberator and its 
editor : 

What is this secession, which is so madly prosecuted, and which leads 
our new organized brethren to persecute the poor, old anti-slavery en- 
terprise, even unto strange cities beyond the water ? What is it and its 
occasion ? Why, certain men, who were " leading abolitionists," could 
not labor side by side with the pioneer of the movement, because he would 
keep it an unpopular and disreputable movement in the eyes of the world. 
Garrison is the occasion of the secession. He will not content himself 
Avith the one heresy ot immediate emancipation ; but must be ever and 
anon broaching others. The community had become familiarized some* 
what with that, and were ceasing to mob it ; and it was even growing 
respectable ; when, lo ! he proclaims other heresies, and throws back the 
cause upon the contempt of the "judicious" community. Not that he 
mingles any of his neiv heresies with the old one, which the seceders had 
embraced, but community does. They identify the new heresies Avith 
anti-slavery, and the anti-slavery cause with Garrison. And we cannot 
keep them separate in the public mind. This is equivalent to Garri- 
son's identifying them ; and, in short, he does identify them, and is guil- 
ty of the offence in the estimation of community. The seceders admon- 
ished him of these things, and enjoined upon him the necessity of his 
remaining " of one idea," that they might respectably and speedily carry 
on the movement to a triumph. He gave no heed to their admonitions, 
but accused them of unfaithfulness to the cause. They preferred sece- 
ding to undertaking their defence, and so they new organized; and the 
land and all Christendom is disturbed Avith the secession. 

What are the complaints ? Why," Garrison encumbers the cause Avith 
extraneous topics." Allowing that he does, Avho has a right to secede 
for that ? Cannot the anti-slavery cause be vindicated because Garrison 
encumbers it ? Suppose he does encumber it, could not all these sece- 
ders disencumber it ? Is Garrison old anti-slavery, that they should 
secede from it, on his account ? But, Garrison does not encumber it. 
We defy all new organization to show that he does, or that he is willing 
they should. But " the Liberator discusses extraneous topics." What 
then ? The Liberator is not an anti-slavery organ. It is Garrison'' s own 
free paper. If it be not a true anti-slavery paper, among other things, 
let it be discountenanced by abolitionists. But if it were a very sink of 
heresies, it does not in the least warrant new organizing the Anti- Slavery 
Society. But Garrison makes it a commanding and influential paper. 
Strip him of his talents, then ; but do not new organize our anti-slavery 


* N. P. Roger.s, editor of the New Hampshire Herald of Freedom. 


movement. The Liberator is not exclusively devoted to the abolition of 
southern slavery. Yet it has more anti-slavery efiect that all our ab- 
olition periodicals put together. The field around it is the best abolition-i 
ized of all the land. There is no anti-slavery camp like old Massachu- 
setts. The standard most mortally alarming, of all others, to the slave- 
holder's eye, floats over Boston — not from the dome of the State House, 
but the flag-staff that shoots from the recesses of Cornhill — from " No. 
25" — the ever-to-be remembered head-quarters of the great anti-slavery 
movement of the age. That humble spot,, with all its extraneosities, is 
the grand centre of alarm to slavery and pro-slavery, and the Liberator 
is its ensign, and over it rests the North Star of hope to the reviving bond- 
man ! 

" But Garrison does not hold that there is a Christian Sabbath." He 
holds nothing about it, one vray or the other, as an abolitionist ; nor has 
any one a right to, pro or con. The Christianity of a Sabbath is not to 
be denied or maintained, in the anti-slavery Society, any more than the 
divinity of circumcision. That is not the purpose or business of the so- 
ciety. It is an extraneous question, and as extraneous to argue one side 
of it as the other. In the Liberator, however, it may be argued, in all 
good faith, on both sides. But " Garrison is a woman's rights man," 
and that is " extraneous;" and besides, St. Paul does not hold with him. 
Whether Paul holds with him or not, or how he holds, or how any body 
holds on that subject, is extraneous. It is as extraneous to hold that 
woman has no rights, as to hold the contrary. Gentlemen forget that. 
They think that only one side of these questions is extraneous. The 
other side is quite intrinsic, and they may make the anti-slavery platform 
the theatre of maintaining the right side of every known question. It 
is one side of a topic that is extraneous, viz. the wrong side. Now we 
humbly say, that the general question of woman's rights is not admissi- 
ble to anti-slavery decision. The right of woman in an anti-slavery 
meeting is pertinent anti-slavery matter, and whoever questions her 
equal right there, ought to be met there and put down. Usage, nor sec- 
tarian interpretations of Paul have any right to creep into our economy. 
And it would be odd enough to see professed abolitionists practising 
usurpation in an anti-slavery meeting. What do they demand of the 
slaveholder, but freedom to the slave, on the principle of mankind's uni- 
versal, equal right to freedom ? And shall they trample on that princi- 
ple, while they are urging it ? 

But " Garrison is a no-human government man." He is not an anti- 
slavery no-human government man, nor have the advocates of the hu- 
man right of government any right to be such, as abolitionists. They 
may battle for and against the divine right of kings and presidents else- 
where, as much as they please, and it will not touch them as abolition- 
ists. The seceders do raise the question, and sift it into their abolition- 
ism, and in New Hampshire have made it part of their abolition confes- 
sion of foith. They have incorporated it into their Constitution, after 
having seceded from the old society, who did not entertain the question, 
under pretext that it did. A member of the New Hampshire Aboition 
Society must not only subscribe to immediate emancipation, but to the 
duty of being a politician. 

But, Garrison is a non-resistant — an enemy to the church and minis- 
try, and to all society ; and, in short, is an extraneous, " sifting" infidel,, 
besides having " ulterior aims." The anti-slavery society is answerable 
for none of these things, if they tvereever so true ; and they would be na 
good cause of secession — and they are not the cause of it. Men have se- 
ceded; some from love of sect, some from love of party, some from love 
of clerical " influence," some from personal revenge, because their mo- 


tives were detected and exposed, and some because they could neither 
manage Garrison nor anti-slavery, while they were associated with him. 
" They can't work with Garrison." They will work with each other, 
however they may differ, and they do differ on all these topics ! They 
will not secede from each other, but they " can't work with Garrison." 
They are some for third party, and some not ; some for assigning wo- 
man her sphere — giving her a negro pew in the great human family place 
of worship — a Liberia, " where she can rise sky-high ;" others say they 
allow her to fix her own sphere. They differ about all these causes of 
secession, yet they secede together and remain together — -for the present. 

In consequence of the divisions which have taken place in this 
Commonwealth — the extraordinary and exhausting efforts which 
were made to redeem the pledge of ten thousand dollars to the Na- 
tional Society in 1839 — and the suspicion and distrust which have 
been so widely excited against this Society — it has not been possi- 
ble for the Board to carry on the operations of the Society, during 
the past year, so efficiently or vigorously as they could have desired. 
But, though they have been unable to " make bricks without straw," 
they have endeavored to make the best use of the means in their 
possession for the promotion of the anti-slavery enterprise. Since 
the last annual meeting, the receipts into the treasury have amount-; 
ed to upwards of nine thousand dollars, and the expenditures to 
nearly the same amount. Of the expenditures, a considerable por- 
tion has been paid to the agents in the employment of the Society, 
for the past and preceding year. Among those agents have been 
Philo C. Pettibone, W. R. Chapman, Sumner Lincoln, Ezra C. 
Smith, Philemon R. Russell, J. S. Brown, James C. Jackson, N. 
H. Whiting, George Foster, Richard Hood, George Bradburn, T. 
P. Ryder, W. L. Garrison, John Jones, J. P. Bishop, C. M. Bur- 
leigh, J. D. Herrick, J. G. Duryee, S. S. Foster, Parker Pillsbury, 
Edwin Thompson, all of whom have labored with zeal and fidelity 
daring the period of their engagement. The summer months being 
an unfavorable time for lecturing, it was deemed expedient, as a 
matter of economy, and to relieve the Society from its load of pe- 
cuniary embarrassment, not to keep any other person in the field 
but the General Agent. Of the industry, perseverance, energy and 
devotedness of Mr. Collins, in the prosecution of his labors, the 
Board would speak in terms of commendation. In the afflicling 
bereavement which he has been called to suffer by the sudden death 
of his wife and child, they deeply sympathize. By his arduous 
efforts, he had so seriously impaired his own health as to be almost 
wholly disabled from sustaining the responsibilities of his agency; 
and it was therefore deemed advisable for him to make a transallan- ' 


tie voyage, in order, if possible, to recruit his shattered constitution. 
Accordingly, with the unanimous advice and consent of the Board, 
and also supplied with letters of recommendation from them and 
the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society to 
the friends of emancipation in Great Britain, Mr. Collins sailed 
from New York for London, in the British Queen, on the 1st of 
October. News of his safe arrival has been received ; but the 
Board regret to state that his health does not appear to have been 
benefitted by the voyage. In connexion witi his absence in quest 
of physical restoration, he was deputed to act, as far as his strength 
would permit, in behalf of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
and to obtain for it such pecuniary and other assistance as the anti- 
slavery public in Great Britain might be disposed to contribute. 
From the intelligence communicated in his letters, it appears that he 
is not likely to succeed, to any considerable extent, on the score of 
pecuniary aid owing to various causes ; but especially to the fact, 
tliat the virus of " new organization" has poisoned the minds of the 
leading abolitionists in that country, and led them to regard with 
-distrust those societies in the United States, which, as they sup- 
pose, have other objects in view than the abolition of slavery. They 
have been grossly imposed upon by the same falsehoods and calum- 
nies which have been circulated so industriously on our own shores 
against the Parent Society and its auxiliaries; and, if they are ani- 
mated by the generous and catholic spirit which should mark an 
enterprise like ours, it is only necessary for them to be furnished 
Vv'ith all the facts in the case, to see and repudiate the error into 
which they have been led. As honest and impartial men, they are 
bound to hear all sides before they make up their verdict. This 
disposition, the Board regret to state, they have not, as yet, been 
-disposed to manifest. 

It is somewhat uncertain how long Mr. Collins wiH be absent; 
hut his return may be expected in the course of a few weeks. All 
the facts in regard to his mission will then probably be communicated 
in detail to the public. 

'Deprived of the services of their General Agent, needing his ad- 
vice and co-operation, and feeling reluctant to augment the pecu- 
niary embarrassments of the Society, until they could obtain an 
^-xpression of its feelings and desires at the annual meeting, which 
was then rapidly approaching, the Board have deferred the em- 
ployment of agents, and, consequently, the Society is under no 
present liabilities on that score. It is certainly desirable, however, 



ihat the present favorable season for lecturing should be immedi- 
ately improved ; and if the Society will pledge itself to sustain the 
Board in sending lecturers into the field, they will hasten to en- 
gage the most suitable persons that can be obtained for that pur- 
pose. They dread and deplore a state of inactivity ; it is unwor- 
thy of those who profess to be abolitionists ; it is a reproach to the 
cause of human suffering and degradation ; — but, entrusted a^ 
they are with the pecuniary concerns and general operations of the 
Society, justice to themselves and to their constituents requires,, 
that ihey should not greatly extend the expenditures of the Society 
beyond its actual receipts. 

One source of the pecuniary difficulties of the Society has beent 
the purchase of the Anti-Slavery Depository — a purchase made on 
favorable terms, which was deemed indispensable to the welfare 
of our cause in this Commonwealth, and which, it is believed, will 
prove ultimately a source of profit rather than of loss. If the whole 
amount of books and pamphlets now in the Depository could be 
sold at cost, the Society would be wholly out of debt; but as the 
stock on hand is very large, and the sales are comparatively slow,, 
time and a wise economy will be required to balance accounts. 

For further particulars respecting the Depository, and the re- 
ceipts and expenditures of the Society during the past year, the 
members are referred to the Treasurer's Report. 

The Treasurer of this Society, Henry G. Chapman, who has for 
several years past so generously and faithfully performed the du- 
ties of that responsible office, in consequence of extreme ill health, 
and by the advice of his physicians, left Boston in company with 
his wife for Hayti, on the 2Sth ultimo, where they intend to re- 
main a few months, and from thence they may possibly go to Eu- 
rope. The best wishes of the Board, and of a numerous throng of 
friends, go with them, for his speedy restoration to health, and for 
their safe return to the endearmenis of home, and the renewal of 
their labors in the glorious cause of liberty. It may be affirmed,^ 
without disparagement to any one, that the absence of Mrs. Chap- 
man from the country is a more serious loss than could be that of 
any other abolitionist, or perhaps of many others. With a vision 
clear as the eagle's, a spirit superior to every trial, an intellect 
equal to any emergency, a soul as large as humanity, — and with 
great fertility of invention and power of execution, accompanied by 
a well-regulated zeal and a victorious trust in the invincibleness of 
truth and justice, — she has made herself seen and fell on both 


sides of the Atlantic, and given a mighty impulse to the abolition 
movement, both at home and abroad. This is not the time nor the 
occasion to trace her career : to a future historian belongs the en- 
viable task of writing her biography. Serene in the hour of peril, 
sagacious in detecting evil to our enterprise, clinging to principle at 
the sacrifice of all earthly considerations, ever planning and ever 
toiling to foil the machinations of th« enemies of emancipation, 
and to usher in the day of jubilee, she has won for herself the re- 
spect, admiration, and gratitude of the faithful friends of the slave, 
wherever they are familiar with her worth and works. Her anti- 
slavery writings are among the best productions of the age, and 
abound with passages of great splendor, beauty and power. Should 
circumstances enable her to give a sketch of her residence in Hayti, 
the work would undoubtedly be one of great interest and value, and 
serve to render her temporary loss to us a source of less regret. 
The latest production from her pen is the Seventh Annual Report 
of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, which, besides being 
printed in pamphlet form, was published entire in the columns of 
the Anti-Slavery Standard and the Liberator. It is indeed a sea- 
sonable and spirit-stirring Report. It is in the following strain that 
she addresses her female coadjutors in the Society : 

*' Let us prepare ourselves, beloved friends, to maintain our lofty and 
influential position to the last. Great is the influence granted to those 
who will use it for the good of mankind, nor seek themselves, or their 
own small interests, in any thing they do. Utter abnegation of self— 
this is the armor in which we may pass unheeding through the shafts of 
malignant misrepresentation, and opposition, and treachery ; and still 
at every emergency may we be enabled by it to present ourselves as the 
devoted — marking, by our unheralded advance, the path the hosts behind 
us are to follow." 

" We shall lose our influence, we are told, by the decisive and rapid 
moverrients that leave the fearful and the lukewarm in the rear. Influ- 
ence ! Is that uninfluencing weapon worthy the name, that rests in the 
scabbard in fear of its brightness ? To respect every one's freedotn of 
choice, we are bound : if others are hesitating and dilatory, we have 
only to sufier it to be so. But well is it for the cause, for us, to pass 
rapidly onward, breaking down the obstacles to their wavering advance." 

The following passage betokens that faith which is based upon 

the Eternal Rock, and over which earthly mutations possess no 

power : 

" How many a time have nations been saved by their women, when 
every other hope seemed extinct ! And so may it be with America, if 
we will have it so. There is moral power enough in presence here to- 
day, to settle, affirmatively, the question we have raised. This is a sin- 
ful nation that has deeply offended ; yet that law is an unvarying one of 
God's providence, by which he will save each of its populous cities for 
Bert's sake ! And who is here so cold of soul, that would not be enroll- 
ed with joy in so noble a registry ? " 


Here, too, is a passage full of eloquence and truih— a fine speci- 
men of the moral sublime : 

" Fearlessly and earnestly we say tosu-ch as forbid us to cast ouk 
whole souls, with all their energies, into this cause, and by whose un- 
worthy opposition we might have been ' sore let and hindered,' had our 
love for it been less — gently ana firmly we tell them that their opposition 
comes too late. It is necessary for the success of the anti-slavery enter- 
prise, that the hands should he free that urge it onward. And the hands 
from which the fetters have fallen in the intensity of their exertions for 
the freedom of others, can never again be bound. Threatenings, and 
entreaties, and abuse, must be alike in vain, before a conscientious con- 
viction of duty. The appeals of some professed abolitionists to the 
magnanimity of women are the most insulting to human nature of all. 
We do really think that we owe the cause our free service. We do really 
think that we can aid it more than such ; and, therefore, if they or our- 
selves are to " weep in secret places," we do really think the cause will 
lose least by their retreat. Had it been our personal rights or wrongs that 
impelled us, — had it been any thing but love of the cause of human 
rights, — we might have withdrawn from the association where we had 
so long acceptably labored, on the first intimation that our absence as 
co-laborers was desirable. Were it our own will we sought, 

" We would not die in that man's company, 
Who fears his fellowship to die with us." 

The very pro-slavery community laughs at the men who would reject 
any aid at its demand, and suspects the sincerity of their pretended love 
for freedom. Of all the means of abolishing slavery, perhaps the most 
effectual is the irrepressible sympathy for the wronged and suffering,, 
that swells high above the usages that would dam up its current— that 
signs petitions to the Legislature against old usages — that dwells in 
conversation upon the hiUierto interdicted subject against old usages — 
which prays and labors for its extinction against old usages — which re- 
joices to present it for consideration to assembled multitudes against old 
usages ! " 

What satire can be more keen, or what rebuke more fairly be- 
stowed, than is contained in the following extract? 

" But this short-lived opposition to the free labors of women will not 
long exist. It was not an honest one, but had its origin in the pretences 
of detected unfaithfulness. Men, so suddenly and so preposterously de- 
ferential to usages, will soon be silent on this head. They have submit- 
ted in*silence to see " women on committees " in other enterprises ; and 
silently they are Avitnessing the general progress of the age. They feel 
no call to proscribe the " mixed commissions " that have erected the 
Bunker-Hill Monument. No burst of indignation against " woman 
usurping authority," follows the address of a gentleman to the presiding 
officer of a monument meeting at Worcester — " Madam President ! " — 
no denunciations follow the appointment of ten men and ten women as 
the committee of a public meeting in Newburyport. Classical and re- 
vered Cambridge nominates a whole committee of women on a similar 
occasion, and pledges its manhood to execute their mandates, declaring 
its " reliance on their strong arm for success," unridiculed and unrebuk- 
ed. Since men have proclaimed, with pride, how scarfs and handker- 
chiefs Avave applause at whig and democratic gatherings, we feel no call 
to defend our interest in the anti-slavery cause from the charge of " sin- 
gular and unwomanly participation in matters out of our sphere." Since 

• .' 37 

Bancroft, years ago, proclaimed what the democracy of Massachusetts 
sanctioned, that the principles of that party were applicable to woman — 
and since Webster has instructed the ladies of Virginia, that it is their 
duty to rectify the principles and keep alive the truth and honesty of the 
community, — we " experience no inclination " to contract our sphere of 
usefulness, on the ground that its present enlargement will shock the 
prejudices of the world." 

In giving a sketch of the rise and progress of the Boston Female 
Anti-Slavery Society, the Report alludes to the violent opposition 
of the pro-slavery clergy, who, " when made aware that the Church 
obstinately sustained slavery, should have declared her no Church 
of Christ. But, in so doing, they would have acknowledged the 
guilty silence of their own past lives ; and this they had not the 
hearts to do, for their hearts were not repentant. They strove, in- 
stead, to extinguish the spirit of freedom." 

The Report then proceeds to account for the sad apostacy from 
our ranks of many who had exhibited an undaunted front through 
the troublous times of mobocracy ; 

" By the fourth year, 1837, this course of so influential a body of men 
as the ministry, partially produced its intended effect, in the anti-slavery 
ranks. Spiritual wickedness in high places triumphed over the integri- 
ty and resolution of some who had undertaken the task of freeing the 
American slave. They had not anticipated the source from which the 
most formidable opposition was to come, and shrunk from the contest. 
The peltings of a mob .they could bear. Such opposition does but 
strengthen the merely human powers of endurance. But the spiritual 
mob — the scourgings in the synagogue — the being delivered up of men 
to their councils — this, being unexpected, was too hard to be borne. Their 
worldly reputation they had seemed more willing to lose, but they clung 
to their Christian character, though its preservation depended on the 
good word of those whose praise they ought to have felt as a reproach — 
who had put darkness for light, and slavery for freedom. The Church, 
pro-slavery as it had shown itself, was, in fact, their world ; and they 
yielded up the interests of the slave to its demands. But the reproach 
they avoided on one side, they incurred on the other ; and to excuse 
themselves for taking their final stand by the side of the pro-slavery 
friends, whose influence they had so long resisted, they became the accu- 
sers before the world of the faithful band they forsook — renounced its 
fellowship, and formed hostile societies for its destruction." 

In connectitsin with this notice of the invaluable labors of Mrs. 
Chapman, the Board would bestow their commendation upon the 
equally zealous efforts of Abby Kelley, of IMillbury, in this Com- 
monwealth, (a member of the Society of Friends,) who, for the 
last two years, has voluntarily stood fonh as the public advocate of 
" the suffering and the dumb " in our land. With excellent quali- 
ficalions for a lecturer, and a rare spirit of self-sacrifice, slie has 
greatly served our cause, and done much to confound our woman- 
despising adversaries. The principaLfield of her labors has been 


the State of Connecticut ; and, as a proof of the power and utility 
of her lectures, the fncl that she has produced more excitement 
among the pro-slavery " powers that be" in Church and State, 
than any other lecturer now before the public, is strong circum- 
stantial evidence. The amount of courage, endurance, " faith, 
hope, charity," vyhich is indispensable to sustain such an advocate, 
in the midst of a perverse and scoffing generation, scarcely admits 
of computation. She has had to encounter ridicule, obloquy, vio- 
lence, in almost every shape, not only from the open despisers of 
our enterprise, but from some of its professed friends ; yet has she 
not faltered in her career, but with calm serenity and noble forti- 
tude, triumphed over all opposition. When those excellent women, 
the Gribikes, adventured to address promiscuous assemblies, they 
were cheered on by the whole body of abolitionists ; and if their 
career was, in some respects, one of trial and hazard, it was also 
accompanied by no small amount of eclat and popularity. They 
knew that they had the approbation of the great body of the friends 
of emancipation, from the Executive Committee of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society down to the officers of the village association; — 
every anti-slavery press in the republic was eloquent in their 
praise; — they were overwhelmed with applications to lecture to the 
people. But how difTerent has been the experience of the equally 
devoted, equally worthy Kelley ! Though not inferior to either 
of those gifted women in any of the qualifications requisite to con- 
stitute an effective public laborer, and having as strong claims to 
kind and respectful treatment, she has been denounced by some of 
the warmest admirers of the Grimkes — scarcely an anti-slavery 
press has noticed her labors — and she has been compelled to meet 
an array of opposition, unknown to either of her female predeces- 
sors ; — and all this because she is a woman I So inconsistent and 
treacherous has been the conduct of the seceders from the old plat- 
form ! 

At a meeting of the Millbury Female Anti-Slavery Society, held 
in September last, the following merited tribute to her worth was 
paid by those who are most intimately acquainted with her : 

" Resolved, That Ave deeplf sympathize with our esteemed friend and 
coadjutor, Abby Kelley, in the manifold trials she has to endure for the 
slave's sake ; and, from personal acquaintance, Avould recommend her 
to those with whom she is called to labor as one of the ablest advocates 
of the slave." 

The editor of the National Anti- Slavery Standard speaks of her 
labors in the following terms : 


-" This extraordinary young woman is doing immense service in the 
anti-slavery field. To the modesty that becomes humanity — the human- 
ity that adorns the Christian — the faithfulness, and the independence 
and the freedom of spirit, that distinguish the true Christian, who fears 
God only of all the imiverse — she unites a power of intellect tliat is ex- 
ceedingly rare, and an eloquence that nothing but flint can withstand, 
and flint cannot endure it. The pro-slavery^ pulpit of Connecticut has 
tried to silence her voice. It cannot succeed. She has no deference 
for that wooden eminence. The voice of pod — the commands of Christ 
— the gospel of her Divine Master, she hearkens to more than the papis- 
try of Connecticut, and goes forth triumphantly pleading the cause of her 
enslaved and perishing kindred." 

■'The Board deem it proper thus to notice Mrs. Chapman and 
Miss Kelley, not because they are, in fact, more deserving of praise 
than a multitude of other women who are engaged in the same 
great enterprise, but because they occupy a position of greater con- 
spicuousness and responsibility, and, consequently, of greater ex- 
posure to the shafts of malice. Were it not for the superior be- 
nevolence, zeal and activity of the women, the anti-slavery cause 
would languish and expire. Though they rnay have none to trum-- 
pet their deeds and their alms in the ear of the world, yet they are 
known to Him who is no respecter of persons, and to that Saviour 
who bestowed the high panegyric upon the widow who cast her 
two mites into the treasury, " She hath done what she could," — 
and more God does not require, and man cannot perform. It is 
the testimony of that great advocate of universal freedom, Daniel 
O'Coknell, in relation to the women of England, who exerted 
themselves in the cause of West India emancipation — 

" The women of England have led the way; and under the banner of 
the maids and matrons of England, proud must that individual be who 
shall have an opportunity of telling them, " At your command we have 
done our duty, and slavery is at an end !" Oh, blessings upon them !" 

Again, in a letter to Lucretia Mott, of Philadelphia, he says : 

" The cause which is so intimately interwoven with every good feel- 
ing of humanity, and Avith the highest and most sacred principles of 
Christianity — the anti-slavery cause in America — is under the greatest, 
the deepest, the most heart-binding obligation to the females who have 
joined the anti-slavery societies in the United States. They have shown 
a passive, but permanent courage, which ought to put many of the 
male advocates to the blush. The American ladies have persevered in 
our holy cause, amidst difficulties and dangers, with the zeal of confes- 
sors, and the firmness of martyrs — and, therefore, emphatically they 
should not be disparaged or discouraged by any slight or contumely of- 
fered to their rights. In the great work in which we are now engaged, 
the women have the same duties, and should thereforee njoy the same 
rights with the men, in the performance of their ditties." 

A call for a "National Anti-Slavery Convention for Independrnt 


Nominations," having been made by a small meeting of abolition- 
ists in Genessee county, New York, in February last, to be holden 
at Albany, on the 1st of April, the Board, in consequence of the 
silence maintained in reference to it by the Executive Committee 
of the parent society, issued an "Address to the Abolitionists of the 
United Slates," in which they strongly objected to the manner in 
which tlie Convention had been called, and to the design of it, 
namely, the organization of a third political party — a design which 
they proved, by numerous quotations from anti-slavery docHments, 
to be contrary to the reiterated pledges of our organization. In the 
course of their argument, they said : 

*' The proposition for the formation of a distiact political party has 
been very fully and ably discussed in the anti-slavery periodicals during 
the past year, and overwhelmingly rejected by abolitionists throughout 
the country, as inexpedient, improper, and dangerous to the integrity 
and peace of our organization. The State Anti-Slavery Societies of 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut, have unanimousli/ voted 
it down ; and a multitude of other societies, in various sections of the 
country, have coincided in this decision. NOj one has given it an ap- 
proval, to our knowledge. The national anti-slavery convention, which 
assembled at Albany in August last, with special reference to the sub- 
ject ot political action, declined taking any definite position, in regard to 
a third party. 

Notwithstanding these strong and gratifying expressions of sentiment, 
the Emancipator (the official organ of the American Anti-Slavery Soci- 
ety) continues to advocate the formation of such a party ! This conduct, 
in our opinion, is exceedingly unwise and reprehensible. Nor can we 
but deeply regret the course pursued by the Executive Committee of the 
Parent Society ; inasmuch as they necessarily, by their silence, seem to 
countenance all that is advanced in the Emancipator on this subject ; 
and inasmuch as the society which they represent stands publicly pledged 
to " open no road to political preferment," and has constantly deprecated 
tiie formation of a distinct political party by abolitionists." 

And they concluded their Address as follows : 

" For the honor and purity of our enterprise, we trust that the aboli- 
tionists of the several States will refuse to give any countenance to the 
proposed convention at Albany. Let their verdict be recorded against 
it as unauthorized, unnecessary, premature. Let the meeting be insig- 
nificant and local, and thus rendered harmless. Whenever the exigen- 
cies of the times shall demand another national anti-slavery convention, 
let the call be made through an official medium : let the Executive Com- 
mittee of the Parent Society, after having clearly ascertained the views 
of the managers of the several State societies in relation to it, send forth 
an invitation. Let us not sanction a precedent, which shall encourage, 
nay authorize a fcAV, irresponsible individuals at any time to appoint a 
national gathering of abolitionists, as it may suit their caprice or ambi- 
tion, in order to promote some selfish or local purposes. The annual 
meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society will be held in New 
York city early in May ; and at that meeting, (which will be the most 
important in its bearings upon the purily and success of our cause of 
any that has preceded it,) let tliere be an overwhelming attendance of 

41 / 

the tried and faithful friends of immediate emancipation, to deliberate 
and act not only upon the political, but upon every other aspect of out 
holy enterprise." 

For presuming to issue this Address, the Board were assailed 
with great violence by thp "Friend nf Mnn" and the "Emancipa- 
tor," but it had a salutary effecl. The Convention was held, and 
proved to be a very local affair. Of 121 persons who enrolled 
their names on the occasion, 48 belonged to Albany ! and 104 
to the State of New York. There was 1 from Maine ! from 
New Hampshire! 2 from Vermont! 11 from Massachusetts I 
fcom Rhode Island ! 1 from Connecticut ! 2 from New Jersey ! 
from Pennsylvania! from Ohio, Indiania, Illinois, Michigan ! 
Still, the handful of individuals thus brought together had the folly 
and infatuation to nominate James O. Birney and Thomas Earle, 
as candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the Unit- 
ed States !-! Small as the Convention was, it was almost equally 
divided in opinion ; for the nomination was sustained by a majori- 
ty of only eleven persons! Yeas 44 — Nays 33! The Presiden- 
tial election has since transpired, and the result proves that the 
great body of abolitionists are still opposed to any distinct political 
organization — the Birney and Earle ticket having received less 
than seven thousand -votes out of some two millions and a half that 
were cast by the people of the United States. Nothing daunted, 
however, by this result, the friendsof the third party movement, 
seem determined to persevere in their chimerical and injurious 
course. In New England, they are chiefly, though not exclusive- 
ly, the adherents of the " new organization." 

The late election was one of unprecedented excitement in this 
country — an excitement that swept away many strong abolitionists 
from their foundation, and caused them to violate their pledge, that 
they would not vote fox the election of any slaveholder or upholder 
of slavery. They argued themselves into a belief tlnU they would 
do no injury, but perliaps would indirectly give aid, to the anti- 
slavery cause, by voting for Martin Van Buren or William Henry 
Harrison— on the plea that '■'half a loaf is better than no bread." 
Th(> Board would not impeach the purity of their motives, but they 
cannot but marvel at such delusion, and lament such an obvious 
departure from anti-slavery principles. They have the satisfaction 
to state, that, however inconsistently individuals may have acted, of 
all the anti-slavery journals in the land, not one of them counte- 
nanced, hut all of them strenuously opposed the election of either 

Mr. Vnn Buren or General Harrison 


The political course which the abolitionists marked out for them- 
selves, from an early period, as safe, wise, and effective, is defined 
in the following extract from a circular to the American abolition- 
ists, issued in July, 1837, by the individuals whose names are ap- 
pended to it, appointed fnr that purpose by the Executive Commit- 
tee of the National Society : 

At the last annual meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 
the foUowincr resolution was adopted : — 

ANY ABOLITION POLITICAL PARTY ; but that we recommend 
to abolitionists throughout the country to interrogate candidates for 
office, with reference to their opinions on subjects connected with the 
abolition of slavery ; and to vote, irrespective of party, for those only 
who will advocate the principles of universal liberty." 

Resolutions embodying the same idea have been passed by the New- 
England Anti-Slavery Convention ; and, we believe, by nearly all, if not 
all, the Slate Anti- Slavery Societies. 

The undersigned think the time has come, when the friends of the 
slave, throughout the Free States, should act fully up to the LETTER 
and SPIRIT of those resolutions. * * * * 

All the resclutions above referred to, deprecate the formation of a dis- 
tinct anti-slavery political party. We hope our friends in your region 
to unite our interests with any existing party. Such a course would 
surely neutralize our influence, if it did not produce distraction and ruin. 
Our strength, yea, our invincibility will be found to consist, in first, 
sacrificing our partizan predilections on the altar of humanity, and then 
holding ourselves entirely aloof from both the political parties. Our 
motto should be, " Form alliances imth no political party, but enstamp our 
PRINCIPLES upon all." Thus acting and thus rallying, as one man, to their 
support, we must be felt. 

It is possible, that, in some cases, neither party will put in nomina- 
tion men for Avhom you can consistently vote ; for no profession of our 
.principles ought to be regarded, when it is unattended with a good moral 
deportment. In that case, abolitionists shoidd either not vote at all, or 
scatter their votes as circumstances may render advisable. Where a 
majority of all the votes is required to an election, the latter course may 
be found wise. In the language of one of the most distinguished states- 
men of the country, " Such a party will assuredly cause itself to he re- 
spected." By order of the Executive Comrnittee. 

K- WRIGHT, Jr. > Correspondmg Secretaries. 


The political success of abolitionism in this Commonwealth and 
in Vermont, demonstrates thut, if abolitionists will continue to act in- 
dependently of mere party considerations, and to aim at the posses- 
sion, of the BALANCE OF POWER between the existing parties, they 
may speedily control the legislation of every non-slaveholdingstate^ 
in relation to their enterprize. At the last session of the Massa- 
chusetts Legislature, resolutions were adopted by both houses, (in 
the Senate by a small majority, in the House of Representatives by 


a strong vote,) calling upon Congress "to exercise its acknowledged 
power in the IMMEDIATE suppression of slavery and the slave 
trade in the District of Columbia" — to abolish, without delay, the 
domestic slave trade between the several States — to refuse admis- 
sion into the Union of any new State whose constitution shall tole- 
rate domestic slavery : and denouncing the congressional gag law, * 
(which was adopted by the U. S. House of Representatives a few 
days after the last annual meeting of this Society was held,) by 
which no anti-slavery petition was allowed to be received, " or en- 
tertained in any way whatever," as "a palpable violation of the Con- 
stitution of the U.S., a bold denial of inalienable rights, and a stretch, 
of povver which can never be quietly submitted to by a free people" — 
as " being void in its inception, and of no binding force upon the 
people or their representatives." Resolves have also been adopted 
by the House of Representatives of Vermont, calling for the imme- 
diate abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Co- 
lumbia, &c., &c. ; and a bill adopted by the Legislature, giving 
the right of trial by jury to every alleged fugitive from slavery, 
and by its provisions rendering it extremely difficult, if not imprac- 
ticable, for any pursuer to recover his self-emancipated victim. 

Such is the auspicious result of that political policy, which 
Messrs. Birney, Wright and Stanton enjoined in their Circular of 
1837, upon the abolitionists of the United States ! 

The report of the legislative committee, recommending the repeal 
of that portion of the Marriage Law of this Stale, which degrades and 
punishes a portion of our fellow-citizens on account of their com- 
plexion, which is a virtual repeal of the command, " What God 
hath joined together, let not man put asunder," and which is the 
only prescriptive act against our colored population remaining in 
the civil code of this Commonwealth, was at first adopted, but final- 
ly rejected by a bare majority. It is confidently believed that, at 
the present session of the Legislature, the repeal will be made, 
and, we hope, witliout any serious opposition, t 

As far as could be ascertained, the whole number of petitioners, 
at the last session, in relation to the admission of Florida into the 
Union as a slave State, was, males, 4,386 — females, 8,153 — total 
12,484. Relating to the repeal of the marriage law, males, 2096 — 

* See Appendix. 

t For the Reports and Resolves of the various Committees, and a 
sketch of the Debates upon them, vide the Liberator of March 27, April 
17, and May 1. 


females, 5534 — total, 7630. Relating to the abolition of slavery 
in the District of Columbia, males, 6,182 — females, 10,643 — total 
16,835. Relating to the gag-law of Congress, males, 1917 — fe- 
males, 145— total, 2052. 

The Massachusetts Abolition Society asserted, through its Ex^ 
ecutive Committee and official orga;n, that the State Anti-Slavery 
Society had "lost the staff of accomplishment." Previous to the 
last session of the Legislature, each Society sent different forms of 
petitions, so that we are aie able to determine who really holds and 
uses that staff. The result was, that of 39,056 names which were 
appended to all the petitions, 37,329 appeared to have been obtained 
by the friends of the old organization, and 1,727 by those of the 
new ! 

The thanks of the friends of equal rights are specially due to 
the Hon. George T. Davis, of the Senate, and Chairman of the 
Joint Committee, and George Bradburn, Esq. of the Plouse of 
Representatives, for the fearless, zealous and eloquent manner in 
which they vindicated the great and eternal principles of justice 
and humanity. Their vigilance was sleepless, their ardor invinci^ 
ble, their success (with a single exception) triumphant. In the 
legislative history of this Commonwealth, their names will be long 
and honorably remembered. 

In the Senate of Massachusetts, on the 5th of March, the follow- 
ing order, or. motion, of Hon. Mr. Choate, of Essex, was univer- 
sally adopted : 

Ordered, That the Committee- on the subject of Slavery be instructed 
to consider and report upon the expediency of requesting our Senators 
and Representatives in Congress, to use their influence in procuring the 
passage of a law, authorizing the National Executive to appoint agents 
in all the seaports, Avhere Custom Houses are established, in States tol- 
erating the institution of doinestic slavery, whose duty it shall be to pro- 
tect and enforce the rights of such persons claiming to be'citizens of oth- 
er States, as may be held in slavery, or be imprisoned on suspicion of 
being slaves, the expense of such agencies to be defrayed by the Treasu- 
ry of the United States. 

Owing to the want of time, no further action was taken upoivthe 
subject by the Legislature; but the suggestion contained in the or- 
der was highly important, and it is to be hoped will be adopted at 
the present session as absolutely essential to the personal safety and 
liberty of the colored citizens of this commonwealth. 

The Resolves adopted by the Legislature, concerning the denial 
by Congress of the right of petition, atid relating to slavery and the 
slave trade, and the admission of new States into the Union, were 


returned to that body by Gov. Morton loithout his signature, on the 
ground that they did not, in his opinion, fall within his province of 
revision, &c. &c. ^ This was a very remarkable procedure and 
excited much surprise and sensation throughout the Common- 
wealth. The message was referred to a special Committee, who, 
in a brief Report, placed Gov. Morton in a very absurd position. 

A short time prior to the last annual meeting of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society, an editorial article appeared in the Penn- 
sylvania Freeman, from the pen of its editor, John G. Wiiittier, 
in which the extraordinary proposition was made that the Society 
should be dissolved, and that a ^'Central Covimittee^'' of tried and com- 
petent men, "representing no society or association, but simply act- 
ing on their own. responsibility., with such means as the confidence of 
the public might entrust them with," should be substituted for it ! 
The reason given for such a procedure was, that " the great object 
for which the machinery of our organization was created is measur- 
ably lost : it fails to secure the grand desideratum — a. concert of 
ACTION." And it was added — " Such a Committee would be very 
similar to that of our English friends in London." A recommenda- 
tion like this, coming from such a quarter, exciied the astonishment 
of thousands, who were forced to exclaim, in view of it, " -E^ tu. 
Bride V Attempts had been previously made, by disaffected indi- 
viduals, to put the management of our organization into other hands ; 
but not one of them had dared to venture so far as to propose the 
abandonment of the Anti-Slavery Society. This was reserved for 
one whose name is appended to the Declaration of Sentiments, 
who assisted at the formation of the Parent Society, and who has 
won for himself much respect for his efforts in our sacred cause ! 

The proposition was eagerly endorsed by the editor of the Cin- 
cinnati Philanthropist, as follows : .. c, , , 

" Suppose then, that at the next anniversary, the national society qui- 
etly dissolve itself .{\\) The Executive Committee will then be untram- 
melled. (!) They can act where and Avhen they please. As their resour- 
ces will depend upon the amount of confidence reposed in them by the 
anti-slavery community, they will be bound by the strongest m-otives to 
act with discretion, and in uncompromising accordance with the true 
standard of abolitionism. Their responsibility in this matter, (having 
no national organization to back them,] will keep them faithful. They 
would in fact constitute such a Committee as the American Board of 
Commissioners for Foreign Missions." 

The idea that the Executive Committee, who had in some things 
proved themselves unfaithful to their trust as the representatives of 
the national organization, would be more faithful without than with 

See Appenrlix. 


such an organization, was a virual proclamation that the people 
could not be so safely trusted with their own concerns as a self- 
elected body of directors ! It was so opposed to the genius of our 
free movement, and so offensive to the genuine anti-slavery spirit 
of the land, that it found scarcely a single advocate. 

In April, the Rev. David Root, (an agent of the Massachusetts 
Abolition Society,) in a communication published in the Emancipa- 
tor, proposed the dissolution of the National Society and all its 
State auxiliaries, and the substitution of an ** American Board of 
Commissioners (!) for the abolition of slavery, to be independent, 
possessing powers similar to those of the A. B. C. F. M." — the 
Board to " appoint State committees in each State, or a subordi- 
nate Board in each State, who should be a committee or Board of 
advice and reference, and should be auxiliary to the Parent Board.'' 

Mr. Ruot's arguments for such an organization were, that the old 
one tcould not answer I " It has not the confidence of the Christian 
[pro-slavery] public so extensively as it ought to have , nor has it 
fully our own confidence. It is essentially defective, too complicated, 
inadequate to the accomplishment of the mighty object we have in 
view, and fraught with confusion "I! The new organization " would 
give an honorable and deserved character to our enterprise" — &:c. 
&c. Nothing was said against this project by the Emancipator, 
and it is under such circumstances that " silence gives consent." 

In the Emancipator of the same month, another individual, (evi- 
dently a member of the Executive Committee,) claiming to be "one 
of the early friends of the anti-slavery cause, and for nearly six years 
intimately connected with the transactions of the American Soci- 
ety," proclaimed it as " demonstrated that the Society was no longer 
necessary in the prosecution of our object, — indeed, that it was 
rather a hindrance than an aid .' " 

" It now seems clear that the Anti-Slavery Organization has efijected 
all that an organization could effect in such a cause — and that its con- 
tinuance is no longer necessary. 

Some who have never suffered such a thought as the dissolution of 
the Society to enter their minds, may be alarmed at first hearing the 
proposition, and be ready to conclude that if the society be dissolved, 
the whole anti-slavery movement will come to nought. It is not denied, 
that there is danger that the movement may come to nought. But, as 
I view it, the danger is decidedly greater with the Society as it now is, 
or promises hereafter to be — than ivilhout it. If the anti-slavery cause 
should require a new structure of any kind to sustain it, circumstances 
will soon point out how it ought to be built. Certain it is, that another 
society will never be called for. 

Believing then that the American Anti-Slavery Society is no longer 
necessary for the advancement of the anti-slavery cause— but rather 


(o-wing to our dissensions) a hindrance, bringing the whole anti-slavery 
movement into disrepute, — it is proposed for your serious consideration, 
whether the society ought not to be formally dissolved." 

Ill the same paper, a report of a Special Committee to the Ex- 
ecutive Committee of the Parent Society, signed by James G. Bir- 
NEY and Lewis Tafpan, (James S. Gibbons dissenting from the 
report,) was published, which concluded as follows : 

" We therefore advise that the Executive Committee recommend to 
the American Society, at its next annual meeting, either formally to re- 
sume their whole power as to auxiliary societies — as to territory, funds, 
d(c. S^c. or formally to dissolve the American Society, as being no longer 

Various amendments to the Constitution of the American Socie- 
ty were also proposed by individuals, the design of which was not 
only to exclude women, but even the great body of the members of 
the Society from the business meetings! So that the power might 
be in the hands of the few, not of the many — of a select class, and 
not of " the common people ! " The following was proposed by the 
Rev. Charles T. Torrey : 

Article . The business of the Society, at its annual meeting, shall 
be transacted by its officers, and a delegation of as many persons from 
each State auxiliary as the State has representatives in the Congress of 
the United States. Provided, that in those States where more than one 
State Society exists, the delegation shall be divided equally between the 
societies, if possible. If not, the society having the largest number of 
auxiliaries shall have the greater number of delegates. The business 
sessions of the society shall not be considered public meetings, unless 
by a special vote of the society ; but all its matured action shall be 
made Jinown, through the press, to whom it may concern. 

The Rev. E. R. Tyler, formerly an agent of the American A. S. 
Society, but now the editor of the Comiecticut Observer, in an ed- 
itorial article published in his paper in April, recommending the 
" dissolution of the Parent Society, and re-organizing in a new and 
unexceiDtionable form." said — 

" We begin, though late, to suspect, that Dr. Channing was correct, 
■ in the remark Avhich he early made, to this effect, that the anti-slavery 
societies ought to restrict the right of membership to men, of tried 
character and prudence, according" to the plan of the anti-slavery socie- 
ties in the times of Jav, Franklin, Rush, and Edwards. 

What in fact is needed for the successful prosecution of this work but 
a central committee in New York, with sub-committees in the country, 
who shall see to the collection of funds, to the publication and distribu- 
tion of books and papers, and to the public discussion of the subject? 
Nothing. But if any thing more is needed, in the opinion of others, m 
the way of organization, let the different denominations of Christians 
act separately and independently .'' 

Thus " coming events cast their shadows before." These propo- 


sals to take the life of the Society, or to commit its management to 
the exclusive control of a small delegated body, plainly evinced 
that the Executive Committee felt that^ their course would not meet 
the approval of the approaching annual meeting : hence their wil- 
lingness to countenance the dissolution of the Society, if, peradven- 
ture, it might save them from a vote of censure. 

Forewarned by these startling developements, and knowing, more- 
over, that a mighty effort would again be made to prevent the free 
action oi all the members of the Parent Society, an address was 
published to the abolitionists of the United States by the Board 
of Managers of the State A. S. Society, in which, after stating 
what was to be apprehended at the annual meeting, they said — .. 

" In whatever part of the country you reside, we call upon you to rally 
at that meeting as one man, by all the sacrifices which you have made, 
and all the perils through which you have passed — by your abhorrence 
of bigotry and intolerance on the one hand, and of political ambition and 
profligacy on the other — by the hopes which have been raised in the bo- 
soms of the friends of freedom on both sides of the Atlantic, and of 
those who are pining in bondage on our own shores, in view of our na- 
tional anti-slavery organization— by your faith in Him who has chosen 
the weak things of the world to confound the things Avhich are mighty ! 
Our cause is in peril among false brethren ; and upon the result of the 
meeting in New York, great events will depend. They who are for 
placing it in other hands, or, in case they cannot succeed, are for anni- 
hilating tlie National Society in the expectation of disbanding every 
other, will spare no pains to muster as strong an array as possible, on 
that occasion. Will the true-hearted men and women, whose love for 
the anti-slavery cause has thus far surmounted every obstacle, and out- 
lived all persecution, and whose purpose it is to stand by tlie old plat- 
form, come what may, be less prompt or numerous in their attendance? 
Never has there been a crisis like the present, and it must be met with 
tmfaltering spirit and invincible courage. 

* * * * * * 

We call upon you, brethren, to frown indignantly upon each and 
every attempt thus to dissolve our noble organization into its original 
elcnicnts for the purpose of obstructing the growth of spiritual freedom 
and human progress — of gratifying personal envy or ambition— of fos- 
tering the great and relentless enemy of humanity, sectarism. If you 
would not see our broad platform in any degree narrowed — if you would 
preserve it from the spirit which is seeking to dash it in fragments^if 
you would still rally under an anti-sectarian banner, and unite with the 
wise and good of every name for the salvation of your country, and the 
deliverance of the oppressed — then you will throng to the anniversary 
of the Parent Society on the 12th of May next, in despite of liard times, 
from all parts of the country, in such numbers as to put down all ma- 
chinations for the dissolution of an organization, which is the terror of 
the oppressor and bigot alike, and upon the existence of which depends, 
under God, in all probability, the peaceful abolition of slavery in the 

This appeal ol the Board was not made in vain. It was now ap- 


parent thai there would be a momentous struggle at the annual 
meeting-; and unusual efforts were consequently made on all sides 
to secure a full attendance of delegates. The Executive Commit- 
tee of the State Abolition Society issued a private circular, which 
was extensively circulated in New England, in which the most 
slanderous charges were preferred against those who were deter- 
mined to save the American Society from destruction, and the 
most urgent solicitations were made to the individuals, to whom 
it was sent, to be present at the meeting, to put down those who 
were seeking to have " the energies and influence of the Society 
turned to the support of non-resistance and its kindred absurdities"! 1 
Circulars of a similar character, designed to stir up the prejudices 
of abolitionists, and thus to make a false issue, were privately cir- 
culated at New York, and in various parts of the country. 

In the mean time, the astounding information was received that 
the Executive Committee at New York were negociating for the 
transfer of the Emancipator into foreign hands, on the ground that 
the funds of the Society were exhausted, but in reality, as it appear- 
ed in the sequel, to prevent the Society from having an organ, in 
case they should not be sustained at the annual meeting ! At a quar- 
terly meeting, therefore, of the Massachusetts A. S. Society, held 
in Boston on the 8th of April, the following resolutions, in relation 
to this extraordinary affair, were unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That we have learned with deep regret, coupled with in- 
dignation, that the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society are about to transfer the Emancipator, the organ of that Socie- 
ty, into the hands of a private individual. 

Resolved, That such a transfer, at the present crisis in our cause, can 
be regarded in no other light than as part and parcel of a scheme for 
the destruction of the present American Anti-Slavery Society, and the 
erection, upon its ruins, of a new national organization, less catholic in 
spirit and principle ; and that, in our opinion, it will meet with the de- 
cided condemnation of the Society at its annual meeting. 

At a meeting of the New York Executive Committee, held on 

the 16th of the same month, the following preamble and resolution, 

consummating the transfer, were adopted : 

" Whereas, The financial condition of the Society does not permit the 
continuance of the Emancipator in the hands of the Committee, or to re- 
imburse subscribers who have paid in advance : and as it is desirable 
that the paper should be continued in this city ; 

Resolved that the Publishing Agent be authorized to sell the subscrip- 
tion books of the Emancipator to the Executive Committee of the New 
York City Anti-Slavery Society, including the arrears due from subscri- 
bers, provided they will supply those who have paid in advance, amount- 
ing to about $1000 — and will publish the paper, at least a year, under 
the charge of the pr'esent editor." 


Against this unrighteous transaction, a Protest was entered by 
James S. Gibbons, a member of the Committee, who, like Abdiel^ 
was " faithful among the faithless found." It was clearly proved 
in the Protest, that the plea of the Committee was utterly ground- 
less. (1) 

The most intense interest was now felt in all parts of the coun- 
try, by friends and foes alike, in the result of the annual meeting. 
At the time appointed, the delegates assembled in great numbers 
in the Fourth Free Church ; Francis Jackson, one of the Vice 
Presidents, in the chair. The chairman having named Abby Kel- 
LEV as one of the business committee, the vote on her appointment 
stood, Yeas 557 — Nays 451. This was the test question. 

A request was then made by Lewis Tappan, for the minority to 
meet in the basement of the meeting-house in the afternoon, to 
consider the expediency of forming an " American and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society" ! This was earnestly repeated by C, W. 
Denison * in the afternoon. And so, for no other crime than that 
of permitting all its members to participate in its proceedings, the 
American Anti-Slavery Society was rent asunder, and a rival so- 
ciety organized, by some of the very men, too, who had justified 
the course pursued by the Grimkes, and vindicated the right of 
women to equal action in the anti-slavery cause ! The members 
of the old Executive Committee were elected officers of the new 
society ; although their official organ, the Emancipator, one year 
previous, in commenting upon a similar act of the American Soci- 
ety, refusing to exclude female delegates, expressly said — 

" The vote of the Society, being grounded on the phraseology of the 
Constitution, cannot ie justly regarded as committing the Society for or 
against any party on the general question of women\s rights ; whereas, a 
contrary decision, unsuppported by the constitution, would have been ta- 
king sides on a question, respecting which THE SOCIETY WAS-, 

It must be left to the candid and dispassionate friends of eman- 
cipation, on both sides of the Atlantic, to decide, whether the Com- 
mittee do not stand condemned out of their own mouths, and 
whether they are not inexcusable for their schismatical conduct. 

How this division was regarded by the pro-slavery presses, and 

(1) See the Protest in the Appendix. 

*0n the motion, respecting the right of Abbt Kellet to act in the 
meeting, Mr. Denison somewhat loudly called upon the women pres- 
ent to vote on his side of the question — in other words, to vote them'- 
sdves out of the meeting ! ! 

on which side their approving voice was heard, the following ex- 
tracts will show. 

The following paragraph is from the New York Journal of Com- 
merce, a paper which has always warmly espoused the Colonization 
Society, and bitterly opposed the anti-slavery movement: 

" Be it known to all horned cattle, that the Executive Committee of 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, including its worthy President, Ar- 
thur Tappan, Esq. are regarded by the Garrison faction as far, — very far 
behind the age. They are not up to the latest humbugs by a long way. 
They do not hold to the non-resistance, no-human government theories ; 
they do not denounce the clergy ; they are not in favor of dressing out 
women with boots and spurs ; they can't go Perfectionism ; they regard 
the Sabbath as a Divine institution ; and in various other respects they 
are guilty of the most alarming heresies. Therefore they must be oust- 
ed from their places ; and to this end Garrison and his party are coming 
■on, or have come on, with all the strength they could muster, — male and 
female, black and white, — to vote these gentlemen out of office." 

The Washington Globe, which is ferocious in its hostility to 
every thing in the shape of genuine abolitionism, shows its sympa- 
thy with the seceding party as follows : 

" The abolitionists have recently separated into two societies. In 
carrying out their principles, a portion of this sect came to the conclu- 
sion, that all human government if sinful, and that the woman should, 
in all respects, be considered as the equal of the man, instead of being 
his " help-meet," as made by their Creator. These ultras had a majori- 
ty in the late ami-slavery Convention at New York, and permitted wo- 
men to vote, and be appointed on committees. The consequence was, 
the secession of the minority, who did not relish this '' petticoat govern- 
ment," and the formation of a new society, styling itself "The American 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society." 

The New York Herald, of infamous notoriety, and especially dis- 
tinguished for its pro-slavery virulence, complimented the seceders 
as men who had a true sense of" self-respect," and added — 

" Garrison and his coadjutors, anxious only for notoriety, and reckless 
of the means of obtaining it, have stimulated the more inconsiderate of 
their followers to ultra and odious measures, in the hope of driving orF 
all sober men of discretion, (!) and thus gaining undisputed control of 
the means and influence of the society." 

In the same strain of falsehood and ridicule, (he Massackicsetts 
Abolitionist said — 

" The deed is done. The American Anti-Slavery Society is no lon- 
ger what it was: its original character and design are gone. It is no 
longer conducted on its original principles, nor does it any longer seek 
merely its original objects. It has ceased to be an AMERICAN ANTI- 
SLAVERY Society, and has become a Woman''s Rights, Non-Government 
Anti-Slavery Society. * * * Such were the materials, and such the 
method taken to revolutionize the American Anti-Slavery Society, and 
make it subservient to the vagaries and dogmas of women's rights and 
non-go vernmentism. We covet not the honor, nor the spoils of a vic- 
tory thus won !" 


That the malevolent enemies of the anti-slavery cause should aJ- 
lempt to make the National Society odious and ridiculous, by wicked 
and monstrous accusations, is not surprising ; but that any of the 
professed friends of the cause should unite with them in this work 
of mischief is truly lamentable. 

In an address of the Eiecutive Committee of the new American 
Society, which is replete with misrepresentation, in attempting to 
justify the secession, they declare — 

" It was believed (!) that the act of placing a woman on the business 
committee, was merely an initiatory step to the introduction of other 
measures, foreign to the original principles and designs of the anti- 
slavery enterprise, all tending to divert the minds of abolitionists from 
the cause of the poor slave, and the rights of the free people of color." 

Here no overt act is charged, excepting that ®f " placing a woman 
on a business committee ;" but the Society is disorganized on the 
ridiculous pretence that " it was believed" that something foreign to 
our cause would next be attempted! Is there any thing of anti- 
slavery honesty, charity, or magnanimity, in all this 1 Is the A. 
merican Anti-Slavery Society to be put down upon mere stispicion'i 
Now that Committee well know, that neither that society, nor any 
other in the land, excepting the new organization, has ever meddled 
with the question of woman's sphere, or the rightfulness of govern- 
ments ! They are challenged to produce an instance to the contrary. 
It is deplorable to witness the name of so excellent a man as Ar- 
thur Tappan appended to an address which is unsound in its 
reasoning, libellous in its charges, and full of misrepresentations. 
A most powerful reply has been made to that address by the present 
Executive Committee of the Parent Society, which has never been 
answered in any quarter, for the simple reason that it is unanswer- 

Thus, for adhering in simplicity of purpose and fidelity of spirit 
to the grand object of its existence, viz. the overthrow of slavery, 
the American Society found itself betrayed and abandoned by some 
of its most influential supporters, its character traduced, its re- 
sources greatly diminished, its organ and depository unjustifiably 
and dishonorably sold out of its hands, and its life sought by a new 
and hostile association ! Relying upon God and his truth to sus- 
tain it, and upon the perfect rectitude of its whole course, the hum- 
ble body of men and women who still clung to it, went forward in 
the prosecution of the business of the Society with serene counte- 
nances and fearless hearts. They chose a new executive commit- 

58 • ' 

tee. if less conspicuous in the eyes of the world than the old, cer- 
tainly not less trustworthy and devoted to the cause, — and resolved 
to persevere to the end of the holy conflict with slavery. By that 
committee, a large and beautifully printed sheet was almost imme- 
diately flung out to the breeze, as the organ of the Society, bearing 
the significant title of the " National Anti-Slavery Standard," 
and the expressive motto, "Without concealment — without com- 
promise." Around that " Standard," should all true-hearted abo- 
litionists rally, and pledge themselves that it shall not be struck 
until every yoke is broken, every slave set free ! Under the edito- 
rial care of Nathaniel P. Rogers, it is truly " a terror to evil do- 
ers, and a praise to them that do well.'' 

In the month of November last, the Board made a pledge of two 
thousand dollars to the Parent Society for the current year, to sus- 
tain its operations; though it was hoped that a much larger sum 
would be raised for this purpose in the Commonwealth. More than 
one half of the pledge has been redeemed, — five hundred dollars 
having been generously contributed by the Boston Female Anti- 
Slavery Society. It is highly desirable that the Board should be 
enabled promptly to redeem the remainder of the pledge. The 
friends of the old anti-slavery platform, in all parts of the Union, 
should anticipate, by their liberal donations, all the wants of the 
American Society. The utmost confidence may be placed in the 
wisdom, integrity, economy and financial accuracy of its Executive 

The Seventh Annual Meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery 
Convention was held in Boston on the 26th of May last. Not less 
than four hundred persons enrolled their names as members. It 
gave a fresh impetus to the anti-slavery movement, and greatly 
strengthened all who participated in its proceedings. Among other 
important resolutions, the following was unanimously adopted : 

" Whereas, The American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, in an 
" Address to the Friends of the Anti-Slavery cause throughont the U. 
States and the World," has either expressly or by insinuation accused 
those, or some of those, who remain connected with the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, of having " identified" the latter Society with " the pri- 
vate opinions of individuals, as to the mherent sinfulness of human gov- 
ernment, and the sphere in which females ought to act," or obtained 
" its official sanction to principles evidently foreign to any thing contem- 
plated, or set forth in its Constitution ;" and of designing to introduce 
" measures foreign to the original principles and designs of the anti- 
slavery enterprise, tending to divert the minds of abolitionists from the 
cause of the slave, and the rights of the free people of color ;" and has 
declared that " the same persons belonging to the anti-slavery ranks, 


who are contending for what they call " women's rights" — the civil and 
political equality of women with men — deny the obligation of forming, 
supporting, or yielding obedience to civil government, and refuse to af- 
firm the duty of political action';" that " they contrived to bring to the 
late annual meeting of the Society a sufficient number of men and wo' 
men to compose a majority of all the members present, to sustain their 
views and measures" — that " of the whole number present this year, 
four hundred and sixty-four Avere from the single State of Massachusetts !" 
and " styling themselves ' non-resistants,' they seemed determined to 
carry forward their favorite theories and practices, at all events, even if 
the great moral enterprise in which they and we originally embarked, 
should retrograde ;,' therefore. 

Resolved, That we feel constrained to express our astonishment at 
the publication, from such a source, of statements and insinuations so 
grossly untrue, and unworthy the character of honorable men, engaged in 
an enterprise of philanthropy, as the above and others contained in the 
same document, and to record against them OUE, EXPRESS AND 

The facts in relation to the "World's Convention" are too well 
known by the abolitionists of the United States to need recapitula- 
tion in the present report. Though such a Convention was called, 
no such Convention was held. The Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society declared the meeting to be a mere 
"Conference" with themselves, and in fact prescribed its rules and 
regulations. They assumed the unauthorised power to make 
themselves members of the body in their official capacity, but 
would not allow the meeting to sit with open doors, or all who 
were delegates to be enrolled as members ! The American, Mas- 
sachusetts, and Pennsylvania Societies chose as their representa- 
tives, among others, certain women of great moral worth, intelli- 
gence, and philanthropy ; but these were scornfully shut out from 
the Convention on account of their sex ! Tell it not in Turkcj'-, 
publish it not in Hindostan ! They had, by virtue of their creden- 
tials, the same right as delegates to a seat in that assembly, as those 
who refused to grant them admittance ; and in their rejection, an 
insult was given to the great body of American abolitionists, and a 
stain cast upon the character of the Convention that time can never 
efface. Their right was eloquently sustained by Wendell Phillips, 
Prof Adam, George Bradburn, Dr. Bowring, Col. Miller, Mr. 
Ashursl, and others. So contemptuous, however, was the spirit 
that prevailed in the Convention, that, when it was decided, — as it 
was by a large majority, — that the female delegates should be ex- 
cluded, a storm of applause followed, as though a mighty victory 
had been obtained over slavery itself! In the course of some re- 
marks, Mr. Birney stated, that "most of those who were for the 
rights of women in the United States, were also in favor of what 


was called the no-human government system " ! ! It is inconceiv 
able how a statement like this, so bitterly at variance icith truths 
could pass from the lips of one claiming to be a man of honor and 
veracity. Of those in the anti-slavery ranks who are in favor of 
the equal action of women for the promotion of our enterprise, it 
may be safely afBrmed, that scarcely one in one Inmdred is " in fa- 
vor of what is called the no-human government system" ! Mr. 
Birney owes it to himself, to the Convention, and to the world, to 
retract his groundless, yet most pernicious assertion — an assertion 
which, when made, elicited loud cries of " hear ! hear ! hear ! " in 
all parts of the hall, and doubtless controlled the action of the 
meeting. Nearly all who opposed the reception of the female dele- 
gates were clergymen, not of the Church of England, but of other 

Messrs. Garrison, Rogers, Remond and Adams, delegates to the 
Convention, did not arrive in season to participate in the discussion. 
On ascertaining, however, what that body had done, they very prop- 
erly refused to become members of it, and accordingly took their 
seats in the gallery. They felt that, by the rejection of any one of 
the delegates, the whole body of abolitionists, whose credentials 
they bore, were equally rejected ; and, therefore, as they could not 
obtain a hearing in the Convention, they chose "the post of honor," 
and of duty, " a private station. '' The exclusion of those honora- 
ble women drew forth exceedingly eloquent and important letters 
from Daniel O'Connell, the champion of universal emancipation, 
and William Howitt, in which their rights were ably vindicated, 
and a just rebuke given to the narrow spirit that had led to their 
rejection. (1) In a letter recently received by Mr. Garrison from 
Dr. John Bowring, that distinguished poet, civilian and philanthro- 
pist nobly says — 

" How often have I regretted that the woman's question — to me of 
singular interest — was launched with so little combination — so little 
preparation — so little knowledge of the manner in which it had been en- 
tangled by the fears of some, and the follies of others ! But, bear up ! — 
for the coming of those ivomen will form an era in the future history of phi- 
lanthropic daring. They made a deep, if not a wide impression — and 
have created apostles, if as yet they have not multitudes of followers. 
The experiment was well worth making. It honored America — it will 
INSTRUCT England. If, in some matters of high civilization, you are 
behind — in this matter of courageous benevolence, how far are you before 

(1) See Appendix. 


One of the happy effects of Mr. Garrison's visit to England was, 
•soon after his arrival home, the receipt of a Letter from the venera- 
ble Thomas Clarkson, (1) announcing the important and gratifying 
fact, that he is now convinced of the pernicious character and evil 
tendency of the American Colonization Society, and therefore 
wishes to record his testimony against it. He states very mi- 
nutely, and with great simplicity, how he was imposed upon by 
the specious, but truthless statements of Elliot Cresson, formerly 
the agent of that Society in England — statements, which prove 
that that agent did not scruple to deal liberally in fiction and im- 
posture during his residence abroad, in order to effect the unnatural 
object of his mission. 

The letter is a very long one, and in Mr. Clarkson's own hand- 
writing. This aged philanthropist does not seem to be aware of 
the present existence of the Colonization Society ; but he says if 
it does exist, it is both *• criminal" and " delusive." After stating 
in what manner he had been deceived by Mr. Cresson, he adds — 
" It is unnecessary for me to attempt to describe what my feelings 
were upon this occasion. I will only say that I sav/ the scheme — 
shall I say, the diabolical scheme ? — with new eyes, and that the 
new light thus thrown upon it, added to the two arguments before 
mentioned, determined me to wash my hands clean for ever of the 

This letter will cause a thrill of joy in the hearts of the colored 
population of this country. Long have they mourned that their 
early and faithful friend Clarkson has been so long kept in igno- 
rance as to the principles, designs and operations of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, which they have constantly regarded with fear and 
abhorrence since its formation ; and they have been apprehensive 
that he would go down to the grave unenlightened on this subject, 
and thus his powerful sanction be used by that Society to crush 
and expatriate the very people for whom he had toiled so long and 
suffered so much ! But now they will rejoice in spirit; and in 
their rejoicing, all who truly espouse their cause in the United 
States will gladly unite. In the Protest against the Colonization 
Society, signed in 1833, by the illustrious Wilberforce and some 
of the most influential abolitionisis in Great Britain, that Society 
was declared " to be an obstruction to the progress of liberty 
throughout the world." 

(1) See Appendix. 


The Board would express the deep interest which they feel in 
the success of the British India Society, which aims to give a death- 
blow to slavery and the slave trade throughout the world, by res- 
cuing from their galling oppression the millions of down-trodden 
natives of that ill-fated country, and thus cultivating cotton by free 
labor, to the exclusion from the English and European markets of 
the slave grown cotton raised in the United States. George 
Thompson is the active and powerful advocate of that Society, and, 
assisted by the eloquent O'Connell, is making a deep impression 
upon the public mind. The Board deem it extremely fortunate 
that the services of Prof. William Adam, formerly connected with 
Harvard University, have been secured by that Society, by his ac- 
ceptance of the office of Secretary. His accurate knowledge of 
the state of India, his many virtues and accomplishments, and his 
enlarged philanthropy, all concur to render him a most valuable co- 
adjutor in the great India movement. 

During Christmas week, a Fair was held in Boston by the Bos- 
ton' Female Anti-Slavery Society, for the benefit of the cause. The 
proceeds amounted to the liberal sum of two thousand dollars. 
Thanks to the tireless industry and generous devotedness of the 
anti-slavery women of the Commonwealth, for so encouraging a re- 
sult ! At the close of the Fair, a soiree was held in the hall of the 
Marlboro' Chapel, by the friends of emancipation. Not less than 
three hundred persons sat down, without distinction of rank, sex, or 
color, to an excellent entertainment ; and a more delightful specta- 
cle, or a more gratifying occasion, has not been witnessed since the 
commencement of our great enterprise. It was pronounced by the 
chairman to be the first "World's Convention" held since the apos- 
tacy in Eden. Among the individuals who addressed the compa- 
ny, in spirited and appropriate speeches, were Ellis Gray Loring, 
Samuel J. May, George Bradburn, Wm. Lloyd Garrison, Joshua 
V. Himes, and Cyrus Pierce. 

Of the other numerous and important events that have trans- 
pired, both at home and abroad, since the last annual meeting, the 
anti-slavery historian is referred to the anti-slavery periodicals of 
the day. It would be difficult even to recapitulate them, without 
swelling the present Report to the size of a volume. 

In conclusion, the Board would urge the friends of bleeding hu- 
manity to go onward in the strength of God, turning neither to the 
right hand nor to the left, clinging to duty more closely than to 
life, and extending their operations for the downfall of slavery. 



Their object is definite, grand, glorious — their principles are true 
and unconquerable — and they have only to persevere a little long- 
er, in faith and hope, and the voices of emancipated millions of 
their countrymen will be heard thundering heavenward, " Slavery 
is ended — is ended ! and we are free for ever! Alleluiah ! for the 
Lord God omnipotent reigneth !" 

" Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, 
Jehovah has triumphed, the bondman is free ! 
Sing — for the pride of the tyrant is broken, 

His scourges and fetters, all clotted with blood, 
Are wrenched from his grasp ; — for the word was but spoken, 

And fetters and scourges were sunk in the flood ! 
Blow ye the trumpet abroad o'er the sea, 
Jehovah has triumphed, the bondman is free ! " 


In the haste with Avhich this Report has been printed, several t}T)o- 
graphical and other errors have escaped notice, which the reader will 
please to correct with his pen. 


Receipts into the Treasury, from Jan. 22d, 1840, to Jan. 23, 

1841, mostly from Donations, including a balance of $26 
from old account, - ... . $7,432,29 

From proceeds of Ladies' Fair, ... 2,000,97 

Total receipts, - - - 9,433,26 

Disbursements during same period, as follows, viz : 

Paid Agent's salaries and travelling expenses, $1,975,96 

Paid over to J. A. Collins, General Agent, for li- 
quidation of Agents' accounts, and payment of 
notes given for books, ... 3,906,24 

Paid American A. S. So. to redeem our pledge, 1,107,50 

Paid for Publications, Printing and Binding, - 800,66 
Paid expenses of Ladies' Fair, . - 330,12 

Paid for use of Halls, .... 121,00 

Paid advertising, .... 29,75 

Paid Hiram Wilson amt. of donation received for him 20,00 
Paid Office rent one quarter, and Furniture, - 100,89 

Paid for books, mostly " Despotism in America," 180,01 

Paid to order of President Boston Female A.S. So. 

from proceeds of Boston table at Fair, - 100,00 

Paid Treasurer of Abolition So., by order of Board, 

amt. of collection from Hatfield, . 86,00 

Paid balance of old debt to J. Winslow, . 85,00 

Paid policy of insurance against fire on 2500,00 dol- 
lars towards amt. of books in Depository, . 15,62 
Paid miscellaneous expenses, . . 25,23 

Total amt. of payments, $8,949,98 

Leaving balance in Treasury, Jan. 23, 1841, $483,28 

S. PHILBRICK, Treasurer, pro tern. 

Boston, Jan. 25, 184L 
I have examined the foregoing account of Samuel Philbrick, Treasur- 
er pro tern, of the Mass. A. S. Society, and find the same duly vouched and 
properly cast, and that there is a balance in his hands due to the Society 
of four hundred and eighty-three dollars and twentij-eii^ht cents. 

S. E. SEWALL, Auditor. 


Payments to Agents, by Treasurer. 


i_y . */ 

Jan'y 22. 

P. C. Pettibone 

- . . . 

$11 35 


Sumner Lincoln 

» • - 

8 53 


E. C. Smith - 

-■ • . « * 

30 00 


P. R. Russell 


- • • 

10 00 


J. Sayles Brown 

- /. . - 

50 00 


J. A. Collins 


- - - 

- 430 15 


J. C. Jackson - 

- - - - 

165 00 


N. H. AVhiting 


— • » 

50 00 


J. C. Jackson 

- - - - 

11 00 


George Foster 


- • * 

65 72 


Richard Hood - 

- - • • 

29 00 


J. A. Collins 


« - _ 

6 02 

Feb. 1. 

T. P. Ryder ' - 

- . . . 

7 95 


do. do. 


- • . 

25 00 


E. C. Smith - 

— « - M 

34 49 


J. A. Collins 


- • • 

- 258 23 


W. L. Garrison 

- • • • 

50 00 


J. A. Collins 


> a * 

- 285 06 

March 3. 

do. do. 

> - • - 

300 00 


do. do. 


- > - 

16 60 


do. do. 

-' - • > 

27 63 


do. do. 


. * • 

•37 47 


do. do. 

- - . - 

28 65 


George Foster 


- • . 

- 100 50 

April 3. 

W. L. Garrison 

- . • . 

80 75 


John Jones 


- • • 

51 74 


J. A. Collins 

- . . . 

50 00 


J. P. Bishop 


- - . 

2 25 


P. R. Russell - 


10 00 


C. Leicester's draft on J. A. Collins 

. 200 00 

May 2. 

C. M. Burleigh 


9 00 


J. P. Bishop^ 



12 54 


N. H. Whiting 


21 00 


Richard Hood 



30 1] 


W. Ij. Garrison, 


on Baring, Brothers & Co. 


£30, 109 per ct 



145 33 


J. A. Collins 


. . - ' 

- 100 00 


N. H. Whiting 

. . . . 

68 09 

June 1. 

J. A. CoHins ^ 


- . - 

- 1,011 95 


J. C. Jackson - 


20 00 


C. C. Burleigh 



1 00 


J. D. Herrick - 

- - . . 

7 20 


John Jones 


- . - 

4 00 


J. P. Bishop - 


1 75 


J. A. Collins 



98 50 

July 7. 

Sumner Lincoln 


39 48 

Au^st I . 

P. R. Russell 



15 00 


T. P. Ryder - 

- . - . 

79 31 


J. A. C6llins 



- .200 00 


do. do 


509 82 


do. do. 



35 00 

Sept. 15. 

do. do. 


140 00 


do. do. 



25 08 


do. do. 


26 50 


Oct. Sumner Lincoln - - - - -25 00 

16. C. M. Burleigh - - - - 7 00 

18. J. A. Collins - - - - - 34 02 

22. do. do. - - - - - 80 95 

27. do. do. - - - - - 5 00 

30. Geo. Bradburn's draft on J. A. Collins - 365 65 

Nov. 4. J. A. Collins's note to Faxon - - - 81 83 

7. Sumner Lincoln - - - - 29 00 

Dec. 5. J. P. Bishop 4 07 

" Richard Hood - - - - 20 00 

J. A. Collins's wife by Miss Sanborn - - 2 25 
Expenses to Worcester and Springfield of N. P. 

Rogers and Wm. M. Chace - - 20 00 

T. P. Ryder's draft - - - - 21 10 

T. P. Ryder in full - - - - 199 58 

J. A. Collins's note - - - - 13 00 

.Vhole amount paid J. A. Collins 
" " " other agents 

$5,942 20 

- $3,966 24 

- 1,975 96 

Payments made by J. A. Collins, from funds received from 



Feb. 12. Paid note given J. Knapp ... 

Mar. 19. Note given Grant, Daniel & Co. 

" For post paper - . - - - 

" C. M. Burleigh, agent ... 

April Magoun's bill making boxes 

May 1. Note to J. K. Hayes 

" Hiram Fox on an account 

9. Note given W. Sears ... 
" Note given L Knapp . . - . 
" Crocker & Vinton for paper 

27. C. C. Burleigh, for expenses while in Massachusetts 
" P. R. Russell's order .... 

28. George Foster on account ... 
June 1. T. P. Rvder 

6. T. P. Rvder's order 
" N. Whiting in full .... 

7. Note to Grant, Daniel k Co. 
2. Marlboro' Chapel Co. for Hall - 

July 3. Note and order to J. S. Brown 

9. B. B. Muzzey's bill ... - 

10. E. Holden on account ... 
12. Note to I. Knapp, in hands of J. W. Clarke & Co. 

having been renewed for 2 mouths 
20. N. H. miting .... 

" J. P. Bishop 

Aug. S. One quarter's rent of office - - . 

12. Note ffiven L Knapp for books, and renewed 3 

most to J. W. Clarke &: Co. - 
26. S. W. Benedict's draft 

Note to Tvletcalf, Torrey & Co. - 

$6 25 
























































W. D. Ticknor's bill of Dr. Madden's letter • 
J. C. & E. Mann's bill for paper 
Depository, over amount received from same 







$3,920 77 

Payments made by Treasurer for Publications, Printing and 

Feb'y 14. Dow & Jackson - - - 

March 3. C. Wells, for binding 
Oct. 12. Grant & Daniel, paper .... 

17. Dow & Jackson .... 

18. Hiram Faxon, binding .... 
Dec'ber. Grant k, Daniel for paper ... 

Crocker k, Vinton " ... 

Papers sent Congress in 1839, by order of Board 

" " 1840, 

Hiram Faxon, binding - - - - 

Dow &; Jackson - - . . 

H. Faxon, binding . . - - 

$800 66 

$38 38 

- 50 




- 100 




- 203 




- 37 






- 50 





Payments made by Treasurer for Expeiises of Fair. 

Hunt's bill - - - - - $4 00 

Bill sticking .... 

Metcalf, Torrey & Co. - 

Liberty Bell ' - - - . 

Advertising - - - . 

Marlboro' Chapel Corporation, for use of hall 

M. A. W. Johnson's bill sundry expenses 

W. Sears - . - . - 

George Hill - . - . 

Sundry expenses .... 

$330 12 





- 10 




- 95 




- 14 00 



- 29 


Receipts of Cash at the Depository., for 1840, as per Cash Book. 



;e ( 







March. ' 






















From sales merchandize this month 

H. G. Chapman 
Cradle of Liberty 
N. A. S. Standard 



















1.38 27 








Monthly Offering 
J. A. Collins 
Pennsylvania Freeman 
Sundry donations 



- 542 




- 291 


$2,147 00 

Payments made at the Depository, as per Cash Book. 

H. Bates for services .... 

Agent's expenses to Weymouth 

Wm. C. Nell, for services . - . 

Treasurer, for donations received 

Office expenses and fixtures ... 

Cradle of Liberty - - - - 

A. A. S. Standard .... 

I. Knapp, on account ... 

Faxon and Lewis on accoimt ... 

For gas lights - - - - 

T. P. Ryder, on account . . - 

For merchandise . . . - 

J. A. Collins . - . - . 

Wm. M. Chace, on account 

Note given L Knapp . . . - 

" " S. P. Adams 

" " Wm. Adams 

" " H. L. Deveraux 
Office rent in part . . . - 

Monthly Offering .... 
Sundry small items . - . - 

$2,146 30 

Sales made at Depository since Inventory was taken in Octoher^ 
1S40, up to January 22d, 1841. 

Cash on hand ..... 70 

Sales merchandise .... 249 83 

Collected on old book account - - - 50 75 

$8 80 

- 3 




- 264 17 



- 105 




- 25 




- 14 




- 116 




- 131 




- 53 




- 80 95 



- 10 


10 49 

$301 28 

Payments and Expenses during same time. 

J. P. Bishop ... - 

Massachusetts A. S. Fair 

Allowed per order of Board to H. G. Chap- 
man, books contained in above sales 

W. C. Nell, services ... 

CM. Burleigh on account 

Postage bill .... 

Office expenses . . - - 

T. Price, on account 

For merchandise - - . . 

$202 4» 

Balance due the Society from Wm. M. Chace, 

who noV has charge of the Depository $98 79 




















Amount of inventory of Depository, taken at 
wholesale prices ... - $5,371 11 

From which deduct 50 per cent, to bring these 

books to cash value ... 2,685 55 

$2,685 56 

Balance due on book accounts - - - 1,087 76 

Balance of cash in Treasury - - - 483 28 

$4,256 60 
Balance sales at Depository since inventory was taken 89 79 

Making a total of .... $4,346 39 

Debts owed. 

To agents .... $692 51 
To Dow & Jackson, for printing, exclusive of the 

Annual Report .... 193 58 

To sundry persons on book account - - 134 98 

To simdry persons for borrowed loan . 2,000 00 

$3,026 07 

Leaving a balance in favor of the Society of $1,320 32 

There is an unsettled account with J. A. Collins, the result of which 
cannot be fully ascertained till his return from England. 




Dear Sir : 

When you was in England on a former occasion, you did me the fa- 
vor to call upon me at Playford Hall, to take a part against the "Colo- 
nization Society." Long before this visit, my friend, Mr. Elliot Cres- 
sQn, had engaged me in its favor, so that I fear that I did not show you 
the attention and respect (while you was at my house) due to so faithful 
an apostle of Liberty. You have lately been in England again, but 
your numerous engagements prevented you from seeing me, though it 
was your intention to have done so, and to have conversed with me on 
tlie same subject. I understand from your friends in London, who sent 
me a message to that effect, that you wished to know the particular rea- 
sons why I changed my mind with respect to that Society. I liave no 
objection to give you a short account of the reasons, which induced me 
to enter into it, and finally to abandon it. ■•' ',' ,jl 'i 

My attention was first drawn to this stibjec'ti)y Mr. Elliot Cresson, 
who said that there was at that moment an almost vmi^prsal desire in 
the people of the United States lo aholish Slavenj and the Slave trade, 
and that he and they had a plan for this purpose. The plan was to 
emancipate all those then in bondage there, and to send them to Africa, 
the land of their fathers, where they were to buy land and form Colo- 
nies on the principle of cwiUzing the natives there, of teaching them 
Christianity, and of prcventino; the slave trade in their immediate neigh- 
borhood, as well as of trying to put an end to it in other parts, wherever 
their infiueuce might reach. This desire or disposition in the American 
people to accomplish so glorious a work was, he said, almost unirerseiL 
It was not confined to the clergy, or persons of superior intellect or 
high moral character, but it extended through the various classes of so- 
ciety, cirpti to the planters themselves, who Avere then deeply convinced of 
the sin of holdina: their fell oiv-creatu res as sle/ves, so that slaves for trans- 
portation might be bought for £7 10s. each, (the sum calculated to pay 
their passage.) Many masters were so convinced of the sin of slavery, 
that they M-ould emancipate, and were then emancipating their slaves, 
for nothin*^, that is, u-ilhout any pecuniary consideration, or on the cemeli- 
tion only, that they should be sent to Africa, and comfortably provided 
for there. Upon this tmiversally prevalent disposition, the Colonization 
Society was founded, and a district, to be called Liberia, on the western 
coast of Africa, was fixed upoa for the pur^iose. This Avas the account 
given me by my friend, Mr. Cresson, and I OAvn that I Avas overcome 
Avith joy, and carried away by it. I thought it Avas one of the sub- 
limest plans ever devised. Here the tAvo great evils of sla\'ery and the 
slave trade were to be done away at one and the same time in the Uni- 


ted States. But that 'circvmstance, which astonished me the most was,., 
that there should have broken out all at mice and over the whole land,. 
such a sunshine of benevolent feeling ; that men should suddenly, and 
all at once, have given up long established customs, and the rooted 
prejudices of ages ; and that the hardened hearts of planters should have 
been all at once melted and softened, and their consciences so smitten, 
as to have acknowledged slavcholding to be a sin., for which they Avere 
anxious to make reparation at a great sacrifice, namely, the free emanci- 
pation of their slaves. These feelings, on the part of the American peo- 
ple, were not to be accounted for upon any ordinary principle. I thought 
that nothing but the Spirit of God could have worked such a miracle, 
and that if it was his will that the blessing of freedom should come to 
American slaves through the means of ihe Colonization Society, we 
were bound most thankfully to accept the boon. My astonishment was 
so great at this miraculous change of things, that I questioned my friend^ 
Mr. Cresson, over and over again, if his account Avas not exaggerated. 
He replied, always, that it was strictly true. And these were the rea- 
sons why I patronized the Society in the very beginning of its forma- 

I began now to think very seriously on what had been, at diiferent 
times, related to me on this subject ; and first, how such an immense 
work was to be accomplished. Nearly tivo millions and a half of slavea 
were stated to be then in the United States, and all these Avere to be 
transported to Africa. It struck me, that no private funds could be col- 
lected by Mr. Cresson, either in England or in America, sufficient for 
this purpose ; that it was in fact, and ought to be, a government work ;. 
and I told him my fears that he would never accomplish his object- 
He told me, in reply, that besides subscriptions by individuals, the dif- 
ferent States in the Union Avould each give its quota of money towards 
it, sufficient to transport all the slaves within its own district or boun- 
daries. He then showed me one or tAvo American neAVspapers, in which 
it appeared that one of the States, Virginia, I think, had already prom- 
ised a very large sum, some thousands of dollars, to the Avork, and he be- 
lieved that the rest of the States would follow the example. Thus my 
fears were quieted, as they related to this part of the subject. I do not 
know Avhether Virginia has to this day fulfilled her promise. 

On going more deeply into this subject, new ideas rose up to my 
mind. I began to think, that if the slaves in the United States amount- 
ed to the immense nvmber reported, Avith the population every day in- 
creasing, by birth, no man then living might see this good work brought 
to an end ; and that during all this time, that is, during their transporta- 
tion, all the horrors of slavery Avould be going on among those who were 
left behind. L determined, therefore, to satisfy myself on this point ; 
and therefore, when I saAv iny friend, Mr. Cresson, next, I inquired Avhat 
Avas the then state of Liberia; Iioav many emancipated persons had been 
already imported into it, and Avhat Avas the number annually expected 
to be brought into it. I gathered from him, as far as I can noAv recol- 
lect, that between two and three thousand had already come into it, and 
that more Avere on their way thither ; but that if I waited a little time 
longer, he could give me a better ansAver. I accordingly Avaited for 
some months, when I found that the recruits began to come in rmich 
more sloidy than before, and that, judging by the last importations, or 
the number then iiiiported in a given time, I could not expect that more 
than 1000, or 1500, or at the most 2000 emancipated slaves could be 
then counted upon to he sent annually into Liberia. This alarmed me, 
and I began to think that some difficulties had occurred in the AA'ay of 
the emigration ; either that tlie funds were then not equal to the trans- 

Ill ■ 

porlation of more, or that more could not he procured. Not more than 
2000 at most, could be expected to be brought into tlie colony in a year ; 
whereas not less than 1000 per day should have been sent to that and 
other parts of the continent of Africa, to get rid of a population of be- 
tween two and three millions, in any reasonable time. No person, if 
Mr. Cresson's plan were followed up in sxtch a slow and lingerino- man- 
ner, could hope to see the extinction of slavery in the United States in 
less than 500 years, if at all. Nor could they take off, by such a slow 
process, even the rising generation as they were born. Nor, if the 
American government were to take the plan into their own hands, could 
they, in any reasonable tune, accomplish the work, were they even to 

■ give to the project every shilling of their surplus revenue in their treasury, 
and employ their whole navy in the transportation of those people, taking 
in the rising generations, and all the difficulties which would occur. 
Even they, the American government, could not accomplish it in less 
than fifty years. I considered, therefore, Mr. Crc^sson's plan, so far as 
related to the removal of these unhappy people, as impracticable within 
the life-time of any man then living, and I told him so repeatedly ; but 
I could never get a satisfactory answer from him, nor can any satisfac- 
tory answer ever be given to show that the scheme is practicable ; and 
this ought to Aveigh with those, who, if this Society still exists, have a 
desire to enter into it. Let such persons, moreover, consider that this 
Society has already existed, I believe, for eight or nine years, and that 
there is not a slave less in the United States noiq than when they began 

. their work. Indeed, notwithstanding all their efforts, during all this 
time, there are many hundreds of thousands more, in consequence of the 
■increase of population, than when the plan was first proposed ; the slave 
population, according to the best accounts, amounting now to nearly 
' three millions. And I may say farther, that if this Society still exists, il 
is criminal ; for to hold out that their scheme would produce the entire 
extinction of slavery in America, (and this was held out, with an incon- 
ceivable obstinacy,) what was it, or what is it, but to delude the public 
as well as themselves, and to teach people to rely tipon this one measure ? 
whereas, if their scheme had never been proposed, they woidd have been 
loohing out for some other remedy or cure. 

But I began to have other fears, as I looked into the subject further, 
from a very different view of it. I began to question, whether the per- 
sons to be sent out were the proper persons to found a new colony in an un- 
civilized part of the world, and whether they would not do more harm 
than good. The natives of Africa, besides being called upon to abolish 
the slave trade in their own territory, were to be improved in their mor- 
als, to be civilized, to be christianized ; but were slaves newly emancipated 

_ fit persons to carry on such a work ? And yet, by the scheme, such, and 
such alone, except the officers, were to be employed in it. The scheme 
liad reference only to those ivho were then slaves, and Avho were to be 
made free on the occasion; that is, just before the sailing of the vessels, 
which were to convey them to their new homes. Now it is obvious, 
that if these people were to be sent to Liberia and other parts of the 
same continent, they would go there tcith all the vices of slavery upon 
their heads. Theft, lying, prevarication, and trickery of every kind, are 
the characteristics of a slave, brought on inevitably by the vicious system 
under which he had been obliged to live. To this are to be added the 
brutal and superstitious notions, which such people must have ; their 
wants of education, and of any knowledge of civilized life ; but, above 
all, their want of any moral principle to guide them, and their total ig- 
norance of God and religion. Now, I did not think that people of this 
description were fit to be sent to Africa, to form a pattern colony for the 

imitation of the natives there ; for they were not persons o{ ^. pattern 
conduct themselves. These were my thoughts upon this part of my 
subject, and I mentioned them several times to Mr. Cresson. He said 
that hitherto he had taken all the care he could to make a selection, but 
admitted that 120 of this description had come into Liberia amongst the 
last importations. He candidly confessed, that he did not see how he 
could help himself on a future occasion. Indeed, he spoke only the 
truth ; for the scheme related only to those who were then in bondage, and 
who, as soon as. ever they were emancipated, (however unfit they might be,) 
wiere to be the component parts of the new colonies in Africa- 

You will see in this narrative ray reasons for patronizing at first, the- 
American Colonization Society, and my reasons also for having after-- 
wards deserted it. I left it, first, because it was entirely impracticable. 
This is a sufficient reason of itself; for no man in his senses would pur- 
sue a plan, which he thought could never be accomplished. I left it, 
secondly, because I thought that newly emancipated slaves were not 
qualified to become colonists in Africa to any good purpose. How 
could persons be sent with any propriety to civilize others, who wanted 
civilizing themselves ? Besides, the advocates for the Colonization So- 
ciety in America had no right to send the §tum of their population to Af- 
rica to breed a moral pestilence there. As far, however, as the abolition 
of the slave trade concurred in the plan, it must be allowed that Liberia 
has done a great deal of good. But then, this was the first colony 
planted, and the people sent there, as Mr. Cresson assured me, Avere 
more select. Many of these had been emancipated a considerable time 
before, and had got their own living, knowing something of the habits 
of civilized life. My argument relates only to newly emancipated slaves, 
who, according to the scheme, were to be' hurried off from the planta- 
tions as soon as their liberty was given them. If the Society did not 
take these people, then the prospectus, offered to the public, had no 
meaning in it, and slavery could never, according to its promises, be ex- 
tinguished in the United States. 

Since Avriting the above, I have learnt from an American paper, that 
a skirmish has taken place between the colonists of Liberia and the peo- 
ple of Gaytoombah's town. I know nothing of the causes of this ap- 
parently little war, but am grieved to learn, when the skirmish was 
over, that a most wanton, deliberate, cool-blooded act of butchery was 
practised by the missionaries themselves ; who boasted, that while the peo- 
ple of Gaytoombali's town were gathering up their dead, they had the 
^'■bcst chance of any to fire into their groups, and when they had turned 
their backs, to pepper their hams with bucJc-shot ." This was too bad, and 
contrary to the usages of war among civilized nations; but to rejoice in, 
to boast of, to make a joke of such a murderous deed, belonged only to 
savages; and yet these men were, we repeat, missionaries, disciples of 
the Prince of Peace, and perhaps leading men in the colony. What ef- 
fect such barbarous conduct will have upon the natives, to prevent fu- 
ture colonies from being settled on their coast, we may perhaps live to 
see. The news of this massacre will certainly be spread by the Kroo- 
men all over the African coast, and the Colonization Society may be 
deprived of the power of making further purchases in AlVica, except in 
their own immediate vicinity, where they may have done some good. 
If this should ever be the case, they may bid farewell to their future 
hopes. Wliere, then, will they provide land on this continent for three 
millions of emancipated slaves ? 

But I have not done with the subject yet. Mr. Cresson had scarcely , 
left England the last time, when new information Avas given me on 
this same subject by two American gentlemen of the very highest moral 


reputation, Ly "which I Avas led to suppose two things; either that 1 
had mistaken Mr. Cresson in his numerous conversations with me, or 
that he liad allowed me to entertain erroneous impressions without cor- 
recting them. It was true, as my two friends informed me, that there 
had actually been a great stir or agitation in ihe United States on this 
subject, and quite as extensive and general as Mr. Cresson had repre- 
sented it to be, but that the cause of it was not a religious feelings as I 
had been led to imagine, by Avhich the planters had liceii convinced of the 
sin of slavery, but a base feeling of fear, which seemed to pervade all of 
them, and which urged them to get rid of the free people of color by 
sending them to Africa. These people were more knowing, intelligent 
and cultivated than the slaves, and, it was believed, were likely to join 
thern, and be very useful to them in the case of an insurrection; so 
that if these were once fairly sent out of the country, they, the planters, 
might the more safely rule their then slaves Avith a rod of iron. This 
information was accompanied l)y an account, by way of proof, taken 
from American ncAvspapers, of different meetings held by the friends of 
the Colonization Society in different States of the Union, and of the 
speeches made there. It appeared from these speeches, that the most 
A'iolent svipporters of this society iccre planters themselves, and that the 
speakers clid not hesitate to hold out the monstrous and hateful proposi- 
tion, that the negroes AA^ere 7iot men and tvomen, but that they belonged 
to the hnite creation. It was impossible to read these speeches, AA-hich 
Avere so many public documents, and not perceive that the persons then 
assembled were no friends, but bitter enemies, to the Avhole African 
race, and that nothing in the way of good intentions towards the Aegro 
could be expected frohi them. It is unnecessary for me to attempt to 
descrit^f^ what my feelings Avcre upon this occasion. I Avill only say 
that I saw the scheme — shall I say the diabolical scheme ? — Avith new 
eyes, and that the neAv light thus throAvn upon it, added to the tAvo ar- 
guments before mentioned, determined me to Avash my hands clean for 
CA'er of the vmdertaking. 

With respect to my dear and revered friend, Mr. Wilherforce, I will 
tell you what Avas his opinion on the subject. He saw Mr. Cresson 
through my introduction, and having heard patiently all that Mr. Cres- 
son had to say in favor of his scheme, put this important question to 
him : — " Why, Avhcn the government of the United States have millions 
of acres of land, AA'hole States, indeed, at their disposal, Avhy do you 
send them to Africa for a neAV home, when you can locate them in the 
country in AA'hich they Avere born, and to which they haAe a claim by 
birthright, and on account of services to the community?" Mr. Cresson 
never ansAA'ered this question so as to satisfy Mr. Wilberforce, and Mr. 
Wilberforce would not stir a step till it Avas ansAvered. His opinion 
was, that if Congress were composed of just and honest men, they 
Avould locate these slaves in a territory neighboring to their OAvn, and 
make a separate State of them, and have them represented on the floor 
of Congress ; or that they Avould send them to a great distance, making 
an allied State of them there, and sending proper officers and magis- 
trates Avith them, to live among them, and to put them in the Avay of 
governing themselves. But he gave the preference to the former 
measure. He ahvays thought thrit there Avas something hidden in Mr. 
Cresson's plan, which AA^as purposely concealed. 

I have now given you my reasons for having once patronized the 
Colonization Society, and then deserted it, and hope ycu aa-III consider 
them satisfactory. ,,.('■ 

I am, dear Sir, Avith great esteem, 

Very truly and cordially yours, 





To Daniel O'Connell, M. P. 

The rejected delegates from America to the " General Anti-Slavery 
Conference," are desirous to have the opinion of one of the most distin- 
guished advocates of universal liberty, as to the reasons urged by the 
majority for their rejection, viz : that the admission of women, being 
contrary to English usage, would subject them to ridicule, and that 
such recognition of their acknowledged principles would prejudice the 
cause of human freedom. 

Permit me, then, on behalf of the delegation, to ask of Daniel O'Con- 
nell the favor of his sentiment, as incidentally expressed in the meeting 
on, the morning of the 13th inst., and oblige his sincere friend, 


London, 6th mo. 17, 1840. 

16 Pall Mall, 20th June, 1840. 

Madam — Taking the liberty of protesting against being supposed to 
adopt any of the complimentary phrases in your letter, as being appli- 
cable to me, I readily coinply with your request to give my opinion as 
to the propriety of the admission of the female delegates into the Con- 

I should premise by avowing, that my first impression was strong 
against that admission ; and I believe I declared that opinion in private 
conversation. But when I was called on, by you, to give my personal 
decision on the subject, I felt it my duty to investigate the grounds of 
the opinion I formed ; and upon that investigation, I easily discovered 
that it was founded on no better grounds than an apprehension of the 
ridicule it might excite, if the Convention were to do what is so unusual 
in England — to admit women to an equal share and right of discussion. 
I also, without difficulty, recognized that this was an unworthy, and in- 
deed a cowardly motive, and I easily overcame its influence. 

My mature consideration of the entire subject convinces me of the 
right of the female delegates to take their seats in the Convention, and 
of the injustice of excluding them. I do not care to add, that I deem it 
also impolitic ; because that exclusion being unjust, it ought not to 
have taken place, even if it could also be politic. 

My reasons are — First — That as it has been the practice in America 
for females to act as delegates and office-bearers, as well as in the 
common capacity of members of anti-slavery societies, the persons who 
called this Convention ought to have warned the American Anti-Slavery 
Societies to confine their choice to males — and, for want of this caution, 
many female delegates have made long journeys by land, and crossed 
the ocean, to enjoy a right which they had no reason to fear would be 
Avithheld from them at the end of their tedious voyage. 

Secondly — The cause, which is so intimately interwoven with every 
good feeling of humanity, and with the highest and most sacred princi- 
ples of Christianity-;-the anti-slavery cause in America — is under the 
greatest, the deepest, the most heart-biding obligations to the females 
who have joined the anti-slavery societies in the United States. They 
have shown a passive, but permanent courage, which ought to put ma- 
ny of the male advocates to the blush. The American ladies have per- 
severed in our holy cause, amidst difficulties and dangers, with the zeal 
of confessors, and the firmness of martyrs — and, therefore, emphatically 
they should nor be dir-paraged or discouraged by any slight or con- 


tumely offered to their rights. Neither are this slight and contumely 
much diminished by the fact, that it was not intended to offer any slight 
or to convey any contumely. Both results inevitably follow from the 
fact of rejection. This ought not to be. 

Thirdly — Even in England, with all our fastidiousness, women vote 
upon the great regulation of the Bank of England ; in the nomination 
of its directors and governors, and in all other details, equally with 
men ; that is, they assist in the most awfully important business, the 
regulation of the currency of this mighty empire, influencing the for- 
tunes of all commercial nations. 

Fourthly — Our women, in like manner, vote at the India House — 
that is, in the regulation of the government of more than one hundred 
millions of human beings. 

Fifthly — Mind has no sex ; and in the peaceable struggle to abolish 
slavery, all over the world, it is the basis of the present Convention, to 
seek success by peaceable, moral and intellectual means alone, to the 
utter exclusion of physical force or armed violence. We are engaged 
in a strife, not of strength, but of argument. Our warfare'is not mili- 
tary — it is strictly christian. We wield not the weapons of destruction 
or injury to our adversaries. We rely entirely on reason and persuasion 
common to both sexes, and on the emotions of benevolence and charity, 
which are more lovely and permanent amongst women than amongst 

In the church to which I belong, the female sex are devoted by as 
strict rules, and with as much if not more unceasing austerity, to the 
performance (and that to the exclusion of all Avorldly or temporal joys 
and pleasures,) of all works of humanity, of education, of benevolence, 
and of charity, in all its holy and sacred branches, as the men. 

The great work in which we are now engaged, embraces all these 
charitable categories ; and the women have the same duties, and should 
therefore enjoy the same rights with the men, in the performance of 
their duties. 

Ihave a consciousness that I have not done my duty in not sooner 
urging these considerations on the Convention. My excuse is, that I 
was unavoidably absent during the discussion on the subject. 
I have the honor to be, very respectfully, Madam, 
,. ,, Your obedient servant, 




London, June 27th, 1840. 
Dear Frtend: 

I snatch the few last minutes of a very hurried tinft before embark- 
ing for Germany, to express to you and your fellow delegates the sense 
I have of your unworthy reception in this country, which has grown on 
me for the last week extremely, even amid the overwhelming pressure 
of arrangem.ents, inevitable on quitting London for a considerable stay 
abroad. Mary and myself greatly regret that we had left our home be- 
fore we had the opportunity of seeing you, or Ave should have had the 
sincerest pleasure of welcoming you here to spend at least one day of 
quiet, as pleasant as that which we spent with you at our worthy 


friend, Mr. Ashurst's, at Muswell Hill. I regret still more, that my 
unavoidable absence from town prevented my making part of the Con- 
vention, as nothing should have hindered me from stating there, in the 
plainest terms, my opinion of the real grounds on which j^ou were ex- 
cluded. ,"' ''■'' 

It is pitiable that you were excluded on the plea df being women; 
but it is disgusting, that under that plea, you were actually excluded as 
heretics. That is the real ground of your exclusion, and it ought to 
have been at once proclaimed and exposed by the liberal members of 
the Convention; but I believe they were not aware of the fact. I 
heard of the circumstance of your exclusion at a distance, and immedi- 
ately said — " Excluded on the ground that they are women ? " No, that 
is not the real cause — there is something behind. Who and what are 
these female delegates ? Are they orthodox in religion ? The answer 
was, " No, they are considered to be of the Hicksite party of Friends." 
My reply was, " That is enough — there lies the real cause, and there 
needs no other. The influential Friends in the Convention Avould 
never for a moment tolerate their presence there, if they could prevent 
it. They hate them, because they have dared to call in question their 
sectarian dogmas and assumed authority, and they have taken care to 
brand them in the eyes of the Calvinistic Dissenters, who form another 
large and influential portion of the Convention, as Unitarians — in their 
eyes the most odious of heretics." 

But what a miserable spectacle is this! The "World'f^ Convention" 
convening itself into the fag-end of the yearly meeting of the Society of 
Friends ! That Convention, met from various countries and climates 
to consider how it shall best advance the sacred cause of humanity, — of 
the freedom of the r.ace, independent of caste or color, — immediately 
falls the victim of bigotry, and one of its first acts is, to establish a 
caste of sectarian opinion, and to introduce color into the very soul ! 
Had I not seen, of late years, a good deal of the spirit which now rules 
the Society of Friends, my surprise would have been unbounded at see- 
ing them argue for the exclusion of women from a public body, as ico- 
men. But nothing which they do now surprises me. They have in 
this case, to gratify their Avretched spirit of intolerance, at once aban- 
doned one of the most noble and most philosophical of the established 
principles of their own Society. That Society claims, and claims just- 
ly, to be the first Christian body, which has recognized the great Chris- 
tian doctrine, that there is no sex in souls — that male and female are 
all one in Christ Jesus. They were Fox, and Penn, and the first giants 
of the Society, who dared, in the face of the whole world's prejudices, 
to place woman in her first rank, — to recognize and maintain her moral 
and intellectual equalitv. It was this Society which thus gave to avo- 
man her inalienable rights, — her true liberty ; which restored to her 
the exercise of mind, and the capacity to exhibit before man, her as- 
sumed ancieut lord and master, the highest qualities of the human 
heart and understanding — discretion, sound counsel, sure sagacity, 
mingled with fqrninine delicacy, and that beautiful, innate modesty, 
which avails more to restrain its possessor within the bounds of pru- 
dence and usefulness, than all the laws and customs of corrupt society. 
It was this Society which, at once fearless in its confidence in woman's 
goodness and sense of propriety, gave to its female portion its own 
Meetings of Discipline — meetings of civil discussion, and transaction of 
actual and various business. It was this Society Vv'hich did more — 
which permitted its women, in the face of a great apostolic injunction, 
to stand forth in its churches and preach the gospel. It has in fact 
sent them out, armed with the authority of its certificates, to the very 


eiids of the earth, to preach in public— to visit and persuade in private. 
And what has been the consequence ? Have the women put their faith 
and philosophy to shame ? Have they disgraced themselves or the So- 
cietv Avhich has confided in them ? Have they proved by their follies, 
their extravaE^ances, their unwomanly boldness and want of a jusl 
sense of decorum, that these great men were wrong ? On the contrary, 
I will venture to say, and I have seen something of all classes, that 
there is not in the whole civilized world, a body of women to be found, 
of the same numbers, who exhibit more modesty of manner and deli- 
cacy of mind than the ladies of the Society of Friends ; and few who 
equal them in sound sense and dignity of character. . There can be no 
question, that the recognition of the moral and intellectual equality of 
the most lovely and interesting portion of our Society has tended, and 
that very materially, to raise them greatly in value, as wives, as bosom 
friends, and domestic counsellors, whose inestimable worth is only dis- 
covered in times of trial and perplexity. 

And here have gone the little men of the present day, and have 
knocked down, in the face of the world, all that their mighty ancestors, 
' in this respect, had built up' ! If they are at all consistent, they must 
carry out their new principle, and sweep with it through the ancient 
constitution of their own society. They must at once put down meet- 
ings of discipline amongst their Avomen — they must call home such as 
are in distant countries, or are traversing this, preaching and visiting 
families. There must be no more appointments of women to meet 
committees of men, to deliberate on matters of great importance to the 
Society. But the fact, my dear friend, is, that bigotry is never consis- 
tent, except that it is always narrow, always ungracious, and always, 
imder plea of uniting God's people, scattering them one from another, 
and rendering them weak as water. 

I want to know what religious opinions have to do Avith a ' World's 
• Convention V Did you meet to settle doctrines, or conspire against sla- 
very ? Many an august council has attempted to settle doctrines, and 
in vain ; and you had before you a subject so vast, so pressing, so mon- 
strous, that, in presence of its sublimity, any petty jealousy and fancied 
idea of superiority ought to have fallen as dust from the boughs of a 
cedar. You, as delegates, had to meet this awful fact in the face, and 
to consider how it should be grappled with I — how the united power of 
civilized nations should be brought to bear upon it ! The fact, that, af- 
ter nearly a century of gradually growing and accumulating efforts to 
put down slavery and the slave-trade, little has been done — that there 
are now more slaves in the world than ever, and that tlie slave-trade is 
far more extensive and monstrous than it was when Clarkson raised 
his voice against it, and dedicated himself body and soul to its extinc- 
tion — that is a fact, which, if the men Avho now take the lead in war- 
ring on the evil, v/ere truly great men, it would silence in them every 
other feeling than that of its enormity ; and the godlike resolve, that all 
hands and all hearts should be raised before Heaven, and united in its 
spirit, to chase this spreading villany from the earth speedily and for- 
ever. But men, however benevolent, cannot be great men if they are 
bigots. Bigots are like the peasants who build their cabins in the 
mighty palaces of the ancient Ccesars. The Csesars who raised the 
vast fabrics are gone, and their power lu wliich they raised iheni is 
gone witli them. Poor and little men raise their hut;: within those au- 
gust palace walk, and fancy themselves the inhabitanLs of the palaces 
themselves. So, in the mighty fane of Christianity, bigots and secta- 
rians ere continually rearing their little cabins of sectc and parties, and 
would fain persuade us, while they fill their own narrow tenements. 

that they fill the glorious greatness of Christianity itself! it is surely 
high time that, after eighteen hundred years of Christ's reign, we should 
be prepared to allow each other to hold an opinion on the most impor- 
tant of all subjects to ourselves. It is surely time that we opened our 
eyes sufficiently to see what is so plain in the gospel — the sublime dif- 
I'erence between the spirit of Christ, and the spirit of his disciples when 
they fain would have made a bigot of him. ' We saw men doing mira- 
cles in thy name — and we forbade them.' ' Forbid them not, for they 
who are not against us are with us.' It is not by doctrines that Christ 
said that his disciples should be knoAvn, but by their fruits — and by the 
greatest of all fruits — love. You, dear friend, and those noble women 
to whom I address myself when addressing you, have shown in your 
own country the grand christian testimonial of love to mankind in the 
highest degree. You have put your lives in your hands, for the sake of 
man's freedom from caste, color and mammon ; — and tlie greatest dis- 
grace that has of late years befallen this country is, that you have been 
refused admittance as delegates to the Convention, met ostensibly to 
work that very work for which you have so generously labored and 
freely suffered. 

The Convention has not merely insulted you, but those who sent you. 
It has testified that the men of America are at least far ahead of us in 
their opinion of the discretion and usefulness of women. But, above 
all, this act of exclusion has shown how far the Society of Friends is 
fallen from its ancient state of greatness, and catholic nobleness of 

But my time is gone. I have not said one half, one tenth, one hun- 
dredth part of what 1 could say to you and to your companions on this 
subject ; but of this be assured, time and your own delegators will do 
you justice. The true Christians in all ages were the heretics of the 
time ; and this I say, not because I believe exactly as you do — for, in 
truth, I neither know nor desire to know, exactly, how far we think 
alike. All that I know or want to know is, that you have shown the 
grand mark of Christian truth — love to mankind. 

I have heard the noble Garrison blamed that he has not taken his 
place in the Convention, because you, his fellow delegates, Avere ex- 
cluded. I, on the contrary, honor him for his conduct. In mere 
worldly wisdom, he might have entered the Convention, and there en- 
tered his protest against the decision — but in at once refusing to enter, 
where you, his fellow delegates, were shut out, he has entered a far no- 
bler protest, not in the mere convention, but in the world at large. I 
Jionor the lofty principle of that true champion of humanity, and shall 
always recollect with delight the day Mary and I spent with you and 

I must apologise for this most hasty, and, I fear, illegible scrawl, and 
with our kind regards and best wishes for your safe return to your na- 
tive country, and for many years of honorable labor there for the truth 
and freedom. I beg to subscribe myself, most sincerely, your friend, 




London, June 23, 1840. 

We, the undersigned, delegates to the General Anti-Slavery Conven- 
tion, which was proposed to be held in London, on the 12th of June, 
1840, anxious to promote the usefulness of this and of future Conven- 
tions, deem it a part of our duty to place upon record this our solemn 
PROTEST against certain principles recognized, and proceedings held 
in the aforesaid Convention. This Convention, in our judgment, af- 
fords precedents both to be followed, and to be avoided ; and the useful 
purposes M'hich it may subserve, would be in an important measure 
abridged, if the latter were not prominently exhibited. The errors that 
have been committed may have arisen from the novelty of the circum- 
stances, and consequent inexperience, or from a want of attention to 
first principles, until steps were taken which could not readily be re- 
called ; from any cause, we are Avilling to suppose, than from a defi- 
ciency of zeal and devotedness to the great object of the emancipation 
of the human race from slavery ; but, to whatever cause they may be 
attributable, either in the judgment of Christian charity, or as a matter 
of fact, the obligation is not less imperative to guard, as far as possible, 
against their future recognition and adoption. 

1. We protest, first, against the limited character given to the Con- 
vention. When we were delegated to attend this Convention, we had 
supposed that it would be a Convention of delegates from various parts 
of the world, which should exist and act distinct, separate and inde- 
pendent of all contemporary anti-slavery associations, except in so far 
as those associations Avere represented in the persons of their delegates. 
Instead of this, we have received the intimation, practically confirmed 
by numerous circumstances, that this Convention is of the nature of a 
Conference with the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society of Lon- 
don — a Society whose objects, as far as Ave understand them, we en- 
tirely approve, just as we approve of the objects of every Anti-Slaveiy 
Society elsewhere, but which we supposed, like them, would have been 
represented by its delegates, and would have sustained no other relation 
to the Convention than such a delegation implies. We deny that the 
Convention should be deemed an offshoot or emanation from any one 
anti-slavery society Avhatever, and that so to describe, constitute and 
conduct it, is to lower its character and contract its usefulness, and thus 
no commit an act of injustice to the friends of the slave, and to the .sa- 
cred cause of humanity. 

n. We protest against the recognition of the roil of delegates handed 
in by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 
To accept such a roll, authenticated only by that Committee, which 
was self-constituted for such a purpose, and derived no authority from 
the Convention to undertake such a duty, is to subject the Convention 
to the will of a few, and to give those few the absolute power of framing 
the Convention according to their own pleasure. 

TIL We protest against the poAver assumed by the Committee of the 
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, to exclude from membership 
in the ConA'ention persons duly delegated by anti-slaA'ery societies in 
America — a poAA^er Avbich that Committee assumed even before the 
Convention was constituted ; thus in one act trampling on the rights of 
individuals, and dictating to the Convention about to assemble : AA^hile, 
on the other hand, that Committee assumed the poAA^er to m.ake all its 
OAvn m.embers, and all the corresponding members of the British and 


Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, ex officio, members of the Convention — a 
power not granted by tlie Convention, and not assumed by any other 
Anti-Slavery Committee or Society. 

IV. We protest against the power assumed by the Convention, to 
exclude the same persons from membership, since it rested exclusivelv 
with the societies by which they were delegated to deteraiine by whom 
those societies should be represented. 

V. We protest against the deference shown to mere custom and 
usage in a Convention of Delegates from all parts of the World, it hav- 
ing been declared to be chiefly from such considerations that member- 
ship was denied to the aforesaid delegates — a ground of expediency in- 
consistent Avith the principle of the whole anti-slavery movement, and 
with the original character of the Convention. 

VI. Finally, we protest against the irregular and partial manner 
in which the rules of debate have been administered— there having 
been no real freedom of discussion, and the right to speak having been 
often determined, not by any general principle applicable to all alike, 
but by the favor or disfavor with which the speaker or the subject was 
regarded by the party wielding the power of the meeting. 

While necessity imposes on us the painful duty Ave have now dis- 
charged, we feel equally bound to express our most sincere and cordial 
concurrence in the general objects and measures which have received 
the sanction of the Convention. 

W. Adam, Wendell Phillips, 

James Mott, Jona. P. Miller, 

Chas. E. Lester, Geo. Bradburn. 

Isaac Wtnslom', 



Relating to Slavery and Ihc Slave Trade, and the admission of new Sta/es 

into ihc Union. 

Whereas, domestic slavery exists in the District of Columbia, under 
the express authority of Congress, which, at the time of the cession of 
the District, re-enacted the slave codes of Maryland and Virginia ; and 
whereas, the sanction thus given to slavery, and its continued toleration 
at the seat of government, form a manifest violation by this nation of 
the first principles of justice, and have a tendency to corrupt the moral 
sense, and to lower the character of the whole people of tlie United 
States ; and whereas, this nation can have no higher interest, either be- 
fore God or in the eyes of men, than the establishing of justice, and 
strengthening the just foundations of national honor; and whereas, sla- 
very in the District of Columbia being thus a national concern, and in- 
volving national responsibility, it is the right of the Commonwealth of 
Massachusetts to remonstrate against the common wrong and the de- 
gradation of national character ; therefore 

Resolved, That Congress ought to exercise its acknowledged power, 
in the immediate suppression of slavery and the slave trade in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 

And whereas, by the Constitution of the United States, Congress has 
the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and between the 
several States of the Union, in the exercise of which power. Congress 
in the veor 1S08 abolished the foreign slave trade: and whereas, a do- 

mestic slave trade, as unjustifiable in principle as the African slave 
trade, and scarcely less cruel and inhuman in practice, is now carried 
on between the several States : therefore 

Resolved, That the domestic slave trade ought to be abolished by- 
Congress, without delay. 

Resolved, That no new State ought to be admitted into the Union, 
Avhose constitution shall tolerate domestic slavery. 

Resolved, That our vSenators in Congress be instructed, and our Repre- 
sentatives requested, to use their utmost efforts to give effect to the 
foregoing resolves. 

Resolved, That His Excellency, the Governor, be requested to for- 
ward a copy of these resolves to each of the Senators and Representa- 
tives from Massachusetts in Congress. 


In the House, March 6, 1840. 
The joint Special Committee on Slavery, to whom were referred an 
order of Feb. 6, 1840, instructing them to consider what action, if 
any, it is expedient for this Legislature to take in relation to the reso- 
lution adopted by the House of Representatives in Congress, as one 
of its standing rules, on the 28th of January, 1840, and also the peti- 
tion of E. W. Gardner and sixty others, of Nantucket, praying the 
legislature to protest against the said resolution as a violation of the 
Constitution of these United States, together with various other peti- 
tions of the same import, have taken the subject into consideration, 
and ask leave to Report the following Resolves. 

Pe?- order of ike Cmninltlee. 

Concerning the denial by the United States House of Representatives of 

the Right of Petition. 

Resolved, That the resolution which was adopted by the House of 
Representatives of the United States, on the 28th of January, 1840, 
namely, "That no petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, pray- 
ing for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State 
or Territory, or the slave trade between the States or Territories of the 
United States in which it now exists, shall be received by the House, 
or entertained in any manner Avhatever," — is regarded by this Legisla- 
ture as a palpable violation of the Constitution of the United States, a 
bold denial of inalienable rights, and a stretch of power, Avhich can never 
be quietly submitted to by a free people. 

Resolved, That in the name of the people of this Commonvv-ealth, 
this J^egislature enters its solemn Protest against the said standing rule, 
as being void in its inception, and of no binding force upon the people 
or their representatives. 

Resolved, That the manner in Avhich the petitions of the people on 
this subject have been treated in the Senate of the United States, — 
namely, in laying the question of their reception upon the table, — is a 
virtual denial of the right of petition, and a procedure not less despotic, 
in effect, than the unconstitutional rule adopted by the House of Repre- 

Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor be requested to forward 
a copy of these resolves to each of our Senators and Representatives in 
Congress, with a request that they be laid before both branches of that 



To the Senate and House of Representatives : 

Among the Bills and Resoh^es which have been received at the Secre- 
tary's Office, there are certain Resolutions of the two Houses, entitled, 
" Resolves concerning the denial by the United States House of Represen- 
tatives of the right of petition;" "Resolves concerning the duty on salt, 
and the bounty to fishing vessels ;" Resolves concerning a national bank- 
rupt law, " and " Resolves relating to slavery, and the slave trade, and the 
admission of new States into the Union." 

The mode of transmitting the acts of the two houses, does not indicate 
those upon which it is desired or expected that the Governor should exer- 
cise his revising power. This is left to be inferred from the nature of 
the acts themselves. Many declaratory resolves have heretofore been 
passed, without receiving the revision of the Chief Magistrate. 

Although the Constitution provides that " no bill or resolve" " shall be- 
come a law, and have force as such, " until it shall have been laid before 
the Governor for his revisal, and although this revision seems to partake 
of the nature of legislation, yet I believe the Governor is never deem- 
ed a part of the Legislature. The manner of choosing electors of Presi- 
dent and Vice President has been directed by the concurrent act of the 
two Houses, without the approval of the Governor ; and the United States 
Senators are always so chosen. Both these are required to be done by 
the Legislature. The power to revise, implies the power to negative ; 
and an Executive veto of an expression of the opinions or of the instruc- 
tions of the Legislature, would seem to be unjustifiable and unauthor- 

These resolutions do not prescribe any rules of action to be enforced, 
nor do they assume to have the force of laws. And whether they are 
declarations of the will or opinion of the Legislature, or advice, or in- 
structions to our Senators and Representatives in Congress, they do not, 
in my opinion, fall within my province of revision. And should I at- 
tempt to add to their force or validity, by giving to them my official sanc- 
tion, I think it would be an assumption of power not delegated to me. 

Although precluded from giving an official opinion upon these Resolves, 
T will avail myself of the occasion to declare my deep conviction of the un- 
righteousness of slavery, and my readiness to co-operate in any measures 
which are just and right in themselves, consistent with tlie national and 
State Constitutions, and calculated to relieve any portion of the human 
family who are held in bondage. No member of either house holds the 
right of petition more sacred than I do, or is more ready to maintain it. 
The measures of Congress referred to in the first named resolutions, tend 
to inflame rather than allay excitement, and are in my opinion inexpedi- 
ent and unjust ; and were I in a situation to act upon them, I should deem 
it my duty to oppose them in the most effectual manner in my power. 

Being uncertain whether the tAvo Houses desired, or expected that these 
Resolves should receive the revision of the Governor, I have thought that 
a proper respect for them required that I should communicate to them 
the reasons why these Resolves will not be found in the list of Acts and 
Resolves which have become laws, and inform them that I have, in com- 
pliance with their request, directed the Secretary to transmit copies of 
them to each of the Senators and Representatives of the State in the Con- 
gress of the United States. MARCUS MORTON. 

Council Chamber, March 24, 1840. 



House of Representatives, March 24, 1840. 
The Special Committee to whom was referred the Message this day re- 
ceived from His Excellency the Governor, respecting certain resolu- 
tions of the two branches of the Legislature, have considered the same, 
and respectfully 

That ihe general practice has been for the Governor to express his ap- 
proval of resolutions passed by the Legislature, indicating its opinions up- 
on important questions. 

An examination, such as the Committee have been able to make, with 
the assistance of the Secretary of the Commonwealth, has disclosed the 
fact, that such resolutions have been uniformly approved by the Governor 
for the last fifteen years, and, with three exceptions, for twice that period. 
Your Committee believe, that the Constitution does not require the Gov- 
ernor to approve such doings of the Legislature, or to return them with 
his objections, it being silent on the subject. But, we believe, the Gov- 
ernor has the same right to signify officially his approval of resolutions 
passed by the Legislature, which the latter has to adopt them. The right 
has never been doubted, hitherto, but has been exercised, so far as we can 
learn, by all the predecessors of His Excellency, without complaint by the 
Legislature or by the people. The approval of the " Supreme Executive 
Magistrate" gives to the expression of sentiment by the Legislature addi- 
tional weight, by the sanction of his high official station. It is therefore 
happy for the Commonwealth, when the concurrent A'iews of the Legis- 
lature and of the Executive, on subjects of vital importance, are unitedly 
and harmoniously expressed. Yet whenever the Governor dissents from 
the Legislature, in matters of opinion merely, not terminating in action 
he has an undoubted right to withhold his approval. 

The Committee recommend that no action of the House be had on the 
message. By order of the committee. 


Relative to Slavery and 'the Slave Trade, Sfc. 

[Adopted by the House of Representatives at the late session of the 

Legislature of Vermont.] 

Whereas domestic slavery exists in the District of Columbia, under 
the express authority of Congress, which, at the time of the cession of 
the District, re-enacted the slave codes of Maryland and Virginia ; and 
whereas the sanction thus given to slavery, and its continued toleration 
at the seat of government, form a manliest violation, by this nation, of 
the first principles of justice, and have a tendency to corrupt the moral 
sense and lower the character of the whole people of the United States ; 
and whereas this nation can have no higher interest, either before God 
or in the eyes of men, than the establishment of justice and strength- 
ening the just foundations of national honor ; and whereas slavery in 
the District of Columbia, being thus a national concern, and involving 
national responsibility, it is the right of the State of Vermont to re- 
monstrate against the common wrong, and the degiadation of national 
character ; therefore 

Resolved, That Congress ought to exercise its acknowedged power 
in the immediate suppression of slavery and the slave trade in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 


And whereas, by the Constitution of the United States, Congress has 
power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and between the sev- 
eral States of the Union, in the exercise of which power, Congress in 
the year eighteen hundred and eight abolished the foreign slave trade ; 
and whereas a domestic slave trade, as unjustifiable in principle as the 
African slave trade, and scarcely less cruel and inhuman in practice, is 
now carried on between the several States ; therefore 

Resolved, That the domestic slave trade between the several States 
ought to be abolished by Congress without delay. 

Resolved, That no new State ought to be admitted into the Union, 
whose constitution shall tolerate domestic slavery. 

Resolved, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress be re- 
quested to use their utmost efforts to give effect to the foregoing re- 

Resolved, That his Excellency the Governor be requested to forward 
a copy of these resolves to each of the Senators and Representatives 
from Vermont in Congress. 

In House of Representatives, Oct. 29, 1840. Passed. 

P. T. WASHBURN, Assistant Clerk. 


The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society have 
voted to transfer the Emancipator to the New York City Society, on the 
alleged ground that they can no longer provide the means necessary to 
sustain it. 

In the name of the American Anti-Slavery Society, I protest against 
this act of the Committee, for the following (among other) reasons : 

1. The Emancipator is not the property of the Executive Committee. 
It belongs to the American Society, which is constituted of the abolition- 
ists of the country, who have sustained it through a long period of pecuni- 
ary embarrassment, and but for whose aid, it would have ceased to exist 
long ago. The aggregate excess of expenditure over all its receipts, since 
1835, is more than Ten Thousand Dollars, which has been liquidated by 
the American Anti-Slavery Society, and not by its Executive Committee. 
The Committee, not being its real proprietors, have, therefore, )io right to 
dispose of the Emancipator, by sale, transfer, or otherwise. 

2. The Emancipator is the official organ of the American Anti-Slavery 
Society. The Executive Committee were appointed {in part) to conduct 
that organ, as the official exponent and vindicator of its principles, — ^as 
the guardian of its integrity, — as the proper and accredited medium of 
correspondence with its constituents and auxiliaries. To remove that or- 
gan, is, literally, to destroy a part of its organization, — to strike at the ex- 
istence of the American Anti-Slaveiy Society, w^hose members never 
contemplated vesting a suicidal power in their Executive Committee, 
which they might wield at pleasure. 

3. The transfer is not necessary, on the alleged ground. A statement 
of the property of the Society shows a large balance over all its liabili- 

4. Due respect to the feelings and opinions of the abolitionists gen- 
erally, dictates the propriety of referring the final disposition of the 
Emancipator to the approaching annual meeting. A sitspe7ision oi' ihe 
publication Avould be preferable to its transfer, as it would not thereby 
be placed beyond the power of the Society to resume it ; whereas, by tho 
vote now passed, it is irrecoverable. 

These are some of the more important considerations which induce mv 
dissent from the vote of the Commir;ee. JA5IES S. G-IBBONS. 



Whereas, we believe tliat Slavery is contrary to the precepts of Christianity, dan- 
gerous to the liberties of the country, and ought immediately to be abolished; and 
whereas, ue believe that the citizens of New England not only have the right to 
protest against it, but are under the highest obligation to seek its removal by a moral 
infliienre; and whereas we believe that the free people of color are unrighteously^ed, and stand in need of our sympathy and benevolent co-operation ; therefore, 
recognizing the inspired declaration that God " hath made of one blood all nations of 
men, for to dwell on all the face of the earth," and in obedience to our Saviour's 
golden rule, "All things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even 
so to them;" we agree to form ourselves into a Society, and to be governed by the 


Aftiict.E 1. This Society shall be called the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Socie- 
ty, and sliall be auxiliary to the American Anti-Slavery Society. 

Art. 2. The object of the Society shall be to endeavor, by all means sanc- 
tioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United 
Siaifs; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform 
and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and to obtain for 
them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites. 

Abt. 3. Any person, by signing the Constitution, and paying to the Treasurer 
iilieen dollars as a life subscription, or one dollar annually, shall be considered a 
member of the Society, and entitled to a copy of all its official publications. 

Art. 4. The officers of the Society shall be a President, Vice Presidents, a Cor- 
responding Secretaiy, a Recording Secretary, a Treasurer, an Auditor, and ten 
Couiiseiliir.--, who shall be elected annually, by ballot, on the fourth Wednesday of Jan- 
uary, or snlisequently by adjournment, and shall hold their respective offices until 
others are chosen. 

Art. 5. The foregoing officers shall constitute a Board of Managers, to whom 
shall be entrusted the disposition of the funds, and the management of the concerns 
ol the Sciciely. They shall have power to make their own by-laws, to fill any vacan- 
cy which may occur in their Board, and to employ agents to promote the objects of 
the Society. 

Aut. 6. There shall be a public meeting of the Society annually, on the fourth 
Wedne.sdav of Jiinnary, at which the Board of Managers shall make a Report of 
their doings for the past year, and of the income, expenditures, and funds of the So- 

Art. 7. The President .«hall preside at all meetings of the Society, and of the 
Board of Managers, or in his absence one of the Vice Presidents, or in their absence 
a President pio leni. 

Art. 8. The Corresponding Secretary shall receive and keep all communications 
or publications direcied lo tl;e Society, and transmit those issued by them, and shall 
correspond uiili the a^'^nisorany other bodies or individuals, according to the direc- 
tions of the Society or the Managers. 

Art. 9. The Recording Secretary shall notify all meetings of the Society and of 
the Board of Manager.-, and keep the recoids of the same. 

Art. 10. The 'J^easurer shall collect the subscriptions and donations to the So- 
ciety, hold iill iis funds, and make paymenis according to the directions of the Mana- 
gers ; he shall keep a true account of the same, and render a statement lo accompany 
the Annual Report of ihe Society. 

Art. 11. Any Anti-Slavery Society, or any association founded on kindred prin- 
ciples, may become auxiliary to this Society, by contributing to its funds, and may 
communicate with us by letter or delegation. 

Art. 12. The .Society shall hold meetings on the last Monday of March, June, 
and Se|)tenil)pr, for the transaction of any business which may be presented by the 
B<)ar<l of Managers, or for addresses, or for discussion of any subject connected xvith 
the objects of the Society. Special meetings may be called by the Board of Mana- 
gers, or by the Recording Secretary, on application from ten members of the Society. 

Akt. 13. This Constitution may be altered at the Annual Meeting for the choice 
of officers, provided the amendments proposed to be made have been submitted to the 
"oard of Managers, in writing, previously.